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'        BOUND  BY 

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PHILADELPHIA 


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IN    THE 


A  FEW  ACTS  AND  ACTOKS 
TllAGEDY  OF  THE  CiVltMS^ 


a  0      J         J     5        >       •) 


IN    THE 


UNITED   STATES. 


BY 

WILLIAM   BENDER    WILSON, 

Military  Telegrapher  in  War  Times. 


PHILADELPHIA. 

PUBLISHED    BY    THE    AUTHOR. 

1892. 


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Copyright  March  30,  1889. 
All  Rights  Reserved. 


The  Neiv  Era  Print, 
Lancaster,  Pa. 


CONTE:^rTS. 


/^                                                                                                      Page.     Pagk. 
Dedication,    5 

John  Brown, 7  to  14 

Imperialism  the  Motive  for  Secession, 15  to  21 

Preparations  for  War — The  First  Troops  to 

Respond, 32  to  30 

CURTIN    AND    i\.NDREWS, 80   to      31 

"Honor  to  Whom  Honor  is  Duk," 32 

The   Cockeysville    Campaign    and    Fitz   John 

Porter, 33  to    41 

Fitz  John  Porter, .*  41  to    45 

Bull   Run  to  Antietam, 46  to     72 

The  Ammunition  Train, 72  to    82 

A  Trip  from  Frederick  City  to  Chambers- 
burg,  AND  A  View  of  the  Latter's  Des- 
olation,   83  to    81J 

The  Railroad  in  War  Times, 90  to    95 

U.  S.  Military  Telegraph  Corps, 9(5  to  102 

Abraham  Lincoln, 103  to  114 


N 


TO  MY  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN  :><ti^'^6^ 

There  are  periods  which  come  to  all  when  the  noise 
of  the  world's  activities  seems  to  cease  for  a  moment  to 
allow  us  the  time  to  turn  our  thoughts  inward  for  the 
purpose  of  reviewing  life  with  its  hopes,  its  failures  and 
its  possibilities. 

Such  reviews  must  necessarily  place  on  the  tablets  of 
memory  many  pictures  taken  from  the  world's  ever- 
moving  panorama,  which  by  producing  in  words,  or  on 
canvas,  may  be  profitable  to  our  kind. 

One  of  these  periods  recently  came  to  me,  and  the  re- 
view covered  in  point  of  time  five-sevenths  of  the  al- 
lotted years  of  man,  for  when  the  bells  in  the  birth-da}^ 
tower  next  chime  for  me  I  will  have  completed  the 
cycle  of  a  half  of  a  century  of  life  existence  with  its 
varied  experiences  and  recollections. 

1  have  taken  a  number  of  pictures  from  memor3 's 
tablets  as  they  came  up  in  the  review  and  now  group- 
ing them  together  under  the  title  of  "  A  Few  Acts  and 
Actors  in  the  Tragedy  of  the  Civil  War  in  the  United 
States,"  lovingly  dedicate  their  publication  to  you. 

WILLIAM  BENDER  WILSON. 

"  Waldon,"  Holmesburg, 

Philadelphia. 


NOTES  ON  THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


'    »  >  >   '        J        >  )       )       '  ^     >  >  ^    ^      ^ 

■>     .  OS,  „      •,    o     '     o      ?     ,    s 

■J3      J->  '     >      5       5      ) 


>  >       >      o 


'        JO 


JOHN  BROWN.-""./ ».  S%'     '    ,' 


»3         '.)5-i*J5J 


JOHN  BROWN'S  acts  at  IIai'ffev's'^Fm^ry"cr)itsti- 
tnted  the  hand-writino;  on  the  national  wall 
which  warned  the  world  of  the  coming  of  that  great 
strus:2:le  of  which  those  acts  were  bnt  a  forerunner. 

In  the  light  of  constitutional  government  and  its 
preservation,  the  movement  upon  Harper's  Ferry  can 
only  he  viewed  Avith  condemnation,  for  it  was  a  move- 
ment wherein  liberty  degenerated  into  license  and 
lawlessness.  There  was,  however,  something  border- 
ing upon  the  sublime  in  the  bearing  and  motives  of 
the  prompter  and  chief  actor  in  the  movement  that 
must  command  the  admiration  of  all  fair-minded 
people,  and  it  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  this 
sketch  is  drawn  :  Condemnation  for  the  methods 
pursued — recognition  of  the  bearing  and  motives  of 
the  man. 


8  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

It  was  on  a  bright  June  day  in  1859,  whilst  stand- 
ing at  the  raih'oad  station  in  Harrisburg,  I  saw  John 
Brown  as  he  stepped  on  board  a  train  on  the  Cum- 
berland Yalley  Railroad  preparatory  to  his  going  to 
Harper's  Ferry  and  his  fate.  I  had  seen  him  before, 
'inil:  X  little  dre^^me^dia^'  X  looked  upon  him  that  day 
'thkt'  he  was  taking  a  step  that  was  only  the  initiative 
to  a  ^tremendous  fraternal  strife  so  soon  to  follow,  or 
that'as;he  cr-ossQ<i;  the  Susquehanna  he  would  never 
rett^rn,'Oi*  'th^-.t  his  6bb  would  be  a  stream  of  blood 
reaching  to  the  banks  of  that  river. 

John  Brown  sprung  from  the  humblest  walks  of 
life,  passed  through  scenes  of  bloodshed,  attracted  the 
eye  and  commanded  the  attention  of  the  world. 

There  was  an  air  of  nobleness  and  dignity  about 
his  person.  He  was  grand  and  majestic  in  proclaim- 
ing what  he  esteemed  the  truth,  and  strong  and 
mighty  in  the  execution  of  its  behests.  As  free  as 
the  air  of  his  native  Connecticut,  he  was  outspoken 
in  according  the  same  freedom  to  others  and  daunt- 
less in  aiding  them  to  maintain  it. 

The  terrible  curse  of  slavery  was  on  this  country. 
The  Christian  Church,  mistaking  its  mission,  either 
openly  advocated  slavery,  or  by  its  silence  consented 
to  it;  the  Grovernment  sustained  and  supported  it, 
statesmen  coquetted  with  it,  while  the  populace  were 


John  Broicn.  9 

more  than  prepared  to  denounce,  or,  if  their  passions 
were  aroused,  to  mete  out  violence  to  the  man  or  men 
who  would  dare  to  intimate  its  abolition.  Knowing 
this,  yet  believing  in  the  divine  right  of  all  persons 
to  enjoy  personal  liberty  under  the  restraints  of  Divine 
law  only,  John  Brown  did  not  hesitate  to  pronounce 
in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  He  believed  that 
the  Americans,  the  mightiest  as  well  as  the  wisest  of 
people,  should  rise  to  the  height  of  the  duties  of  the 
hour  and  decide  the  question  upon  the  grounds  of 
consistent  justice.  That  America's  mission  was  not 
simply  to  elevate  the  liberties  of  those  colorless 
people  who  were  so  fortunate  as  to  dwell  within  her 
borders,  but  that  she  had  the  higher,  nobler  one  of 
obliterating  the  color  line  and  of  giving  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Universe  a  system  of  government  whose 
sole  basis  should  be  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

He  recoo-iiized  what  an  element  of  streno-th  to  the 
enemies  of  popular  governm.ent  was  the  cry  of  Amer- 
ican inconsistency,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  that  incon- 
sistency could  not  be  disproved  so  long  as  we  held  up 
our  idea  as  one  of  equality  of  all  men,  and  at  the  same 
time  practiced  the  binding  on  of  shackles  to  men, 
women  and  children. 

Believing  this,  John  Brown  was  not  one  to  hide 
himself  behind  high-sounding  theories  of  government 
and  shirk  the  duties  that  one  man  owes  to  another. 


10  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

lie  souglit  not  personal  advancement  by  the  means 
of  political  parties.  He  could  have  thrown  his  com- 
manding talents  into  the  arena  of  partisan  politics, 
and  possibly,  probably,  have  become  eminent  as  a 
politician  ;  but  personal  advancement  had  no  attrac- 
tions for  him. 

He  aimed  to  be  right — not  popular ;  to  advance  his 
fellow  man — not  himself. 

He  knew  that  any  of  the  then  existing  means  of 
convincing  men  of  error  and  of  bringing  them  up  to 
the  duty  line  from  his  standpoint  would  fail.  That 
to  convince  them,  or  to  bring  them  up  to  that  line, 
would  require  some  bold,  prompt  action  that  would 
startle  and  astound  the  world  and  place  thought  upon 
the  scent  of  ris^ht.  With  this  in  view  he  made  his 
movement  upon  Harper's  Ferry. 

He  comprehended  that  the  movement  was  a  di- 
rect violation  of  the  written  law  of  the  land;  that  its 
failure  would  bring  upon  himself  the  loss  of  life  and 
entail  upon  his  fame  and  family  the  spot  that  death 
upon  the  gallows  leaves.     But  it  did  not  deter  him. 

He  moved  on,  captured  Harper's  Ferry,  and  de- 
manded, not  gradual  emancipation,  not  emancipation 
by  compensation,  not  emancipation  as  a  political  ne- 
cessity, but  the  immediate  and  absolute  abolition  of 
slavery  because  slavery  was  wrong. 


John  Brown.  11 

He  was  not  wrong  in  bis  conclusions  as  to  the  effect 
that  would  follow  such  a  bold  and  prompt  action.  It 
did  startle  and  astound  the  people ;  it  did  release 
thought  from  the  shackles  of  policy  which  had  bound 
it-  Agitation  became  the  order  of  the  hour,  and  con- 
tinued until  the  last  bond  was  stricken  from  the  last 
bondsman. 

For  his  movement  upon  Harper's  Ferry  John 
Brown  was  termed  crazy  by  that  conservative  ele- 
ment w^ho,  not  desiring  to  place  themselves  in  the 
position  of  approving  slavery,  yet  disapproved  of  any 
action  that  was  offensive  to  the  keen  sensibilities  of 
the  slaveholder.  There  is  not  a  single  fact  upon 
which  to  base  an  assumption  of  insanity.  It  is  a  com  - 
mon  thing  to  raise  the  cry  of  insanity  as  the  most 
convenient  way  out  of  the  acceptance  of  an  unpleas- 
ant truth. 

But  where  in  the  world  has  the  man  arisen  who, 
grasping  at  a  great  truth  which  had  either  remained 
unseen,  unknown  or  unacknowledged  by  the  masses, 
and  having  had  the  boldness,  the  fearlessness  to  pro- 
claim it,  has  not  been  greeted  with  similar  words  of 
denunciation  ?  The  world  of  letters,  of  science,  of  in- 
vention, of  politics,  of  religion,  is  full  of  instances 
where  the  greatness  of  man  in  its  dawn  emits  a 
dazzling  light  that  dulls  the  perceptions  of  those 


12  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

upon  whom  it  falls,  bringing  from  them  condemna- 
tion and  derision. 

When  the  Heavenly-inspired  Paul,  turning  aside 
from  the  attractions  of  place  and  power,  accepted  a 
great  though  unpopular  truth,  boldly  and  fearlessly 
proclaimed  it,  he  was  called  a  madman. 

When  Paul  delivered  that  speech  of  matchless 
eloquence,  proclaiming  the  freedom  of  all  through 
Christ,  that  caused  King  Agrippa  to  forget  that  he 
was  an  anti-Christian  Jew  and  wrung  from  his  man- 
hood the  confession,  "  Paul,  almost  thou  persuadest 
me  to  be  a  Christian,"  Festus,  the  Roman  Governor 
who  was  present,  exclaimed  with  a  loud  voice, 
"  Paul,  thou  art  beside  thyself,  much  learning  doth 
make  thee  mad."  The  world  of  Festus  believed  that 
Paul  was  mad  and  took  up  the  cry.  But  who 
believes  it  to-day  ?     Does  any  one  ? 

It  may  be  said  this  comparison  should  not  be 
drawn. 

Why  not  ?  Paul  was  battling  for  the  freedom  of 
the  soul  of  man — was  aimins:  at  releasins^  it  from  the 
shackles  that  bound  it  to  the  devil.  John  Brown 
was  battling  for  the  freedom  of  the  person  of  man 
and  aimed  at  breaking  the  shackles  that  bound  his 
hands  and  feet  and  wounded  the  soul. 

John   Brown   at   Harper's   Ferry   announced  his 


\ 


John  Brown.  13 

government  and  proclaimed  his  purpose.  He  main- 
tained his  position  for  days  against  great  odds  before 
he  was  taken  prisoner.  His  trial  and  execution  fol- 
lowed. The  failure  to  immediately  reap  the  fruits  of 
his  movement  was  owing  to  the  fact  that  those  who 
were  to  be  benefited  by  it,  through  ignorance,  did 
not  comprehend  his  plans.  But  that  his  movement 
was  not  a  failure  is  patent  to  the  thinker  of  to-day. 

It  was  the  knell  that  sounded  slavery's  doom. 

John  Brown  issued  the  edict  at  Harper's  Ferry 
that  the  slave  should  be  free,  and  General  Grant 
proclaimed  to  the  world  from  Appomattox  that  the 
freedom  of  the  slave  was  an  accomplished  fact. 

Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry  and  Grant  at  Appomat- 
tax  were  logically  cause  and  effect. 

What  John  Brown  had  done  was  heralded  to  the 
Avorld.  It  fell  upon  the  bondman  as  a  great  light, 
inspiring  him  with  hope,  strength  and  courage, 
awakened  him  to  his  duties  to  himself,  and  when  the 
irrepressible  conflict  which  John  Brown  had  inau- 
gurated burst  out  in  all  its  fury  he  was  found  in- 
trenched in  the  right. 

I  say  this  without  reservation.  For  the  loj^al 
mass  of  the  disloyal  region,  who,  surrounded  by  the 
power  of  educated  traitors,  remained  steadfast  to  the 
Government,  were  those  of  the  darkened  skin.     Al- 


14  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

though  their  minds  were  untutored  and  darkened  hj 
the  heavy  clouds  of  slavery,  yet  they  were  by  intu- 
ition intensely  loyal. 

Rarely  in  the  history  of  the  rebellion  has  there 
been  an  instance  recorded  where  a  slave  voluntarily 
raised  his  hand  against  the  Government.  On  the 
contrary,  every  page  is  marked  with  the  fact  that  he 
was  the  white  man's  equal  in  devotion  to  the  cause 
they  were  fighting  for,  and  side  by  side  with  the 
white  man  he  laid  his  life  upon  the  altar  of  freedom, 
a  willins;  sacrifice  to  that  devotion. 

The  testimon}^  of  all  our  leading  military  men 
will  bear  me  out  in  saying  that  by  their  wonderful 
intuitive  system  of  inter-communication  in  the  insur- 
gent States,  used  solely  for  the  benefit  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, the  slaves  gave  an  aid  to  military  opera- 
tions whose  value  can  hardly  be  estimated.  And 
soldiers  who  after  sufierins;  untold  horrors  in  South- 
ern  prisons  made  their  escape  attribute  their  success 
in  so  doing  to  the  slaves'  assistance. 

John  Brown's  soul  was  marching  on. 

What  John  Brown  did  was  done  from  his  own 
volition  at  the  dictation  of  duty  impelled  by  a  sense 
of  right.  He  was  to  be  admired  in  his  humanity, 
but  to  be  condemned  in  his  citizenship.  He  was  a 
good  man,  but  he  over-rode  law  and  sufi:ered  the 
penalty. 


II. 


IMPERIALISM  THE  MOTIVE  FOR  SECESSION. 

SO  MUCH  has  been  written  on  the  causes  leading 
up  to  the  stupendous  strife  that  robbed  this 
wonderful  countr}^  of  streams  of  precious  blood  which 
flowed  continuously  for  four  long  weary  and  dreary 
years,  that  I  crave  pardon  for  dwelling  a  moment 
upon  them  as  they  were  presented  to  my  mind  at 
the  time. 

In  the  spring  of  1860,  having  just  attained  my 
majority,  I  undertook  a  journey  through  the  South- 
ern States  for  the  purpose  of  informing  myself  of  the 
practical  results  of  slaverj^,  and  of  obtaining  a  con- 
sensus of  opinion  upon  what  the  people  of  those 
States  wanted  in  the  form  of  government  and  what 
they  expected  from  the  then  existing  form. 

I  found  the  public  mind  very  much  excited  and 
inflamed  by  the  passage  of  personal  liberty  bills  and 
emigration  laws  by  some  of  the  ISTorthern  States,  by 
the  acts  of  John  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  by 
the  aggressive  attitude  of  the  Republican  partj^  in 

{ i-^ ) 


16  Notes  on  the  Civil  War. 

the  campaign  it  was  then  making  precedent  to  the 
Presidential  election  fast  approaching.    • 

The  mass  of  the  people  with  whom  I  came  in  con- 
tact believed  that  the  j)eople  of  the  Xorth  intended 
making  violent  encroachments  upon  the  rights,  priv- 
ileges and  institutions  of  the  South  and  were  prepar- 
ing, w^here  not  ready,  to  resent  them. 

The  leaders,  however,  of  public  sentiment,  the 
able  and  cultivated  men  who  ruled  by  force  of  intel- 
lect, wanted  revolution.  To  attain  their  desire  they 
cultivated  the  passions  of  the  people  by  coloring  and 
exasisreratins:  the  foolish  harano'ues  of  ^N^orthern  fanat- 
ics  and  the  unfriendly  enactments  of  Northern  legis- 
latures. The  Republic,  as  a  democracy,  they  despised 
and  in  consequence  were  ever  in  readiness  to  conspire 
to  chano^e  its  form  of  o:overnment  into  a  ]^ational 
aristocracy. 

^Nature  had  been  lavish  of  her  gifts  to  the  semi- 
tropical  States  whose  shore  lines  were  w^ashed  by  the 
waters  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  territorv  cov- 
ered  by  them  seemed  to  these  leaders  to  be  peculiarly 
adapted  for  the  foundation  of  an  Empire,  while  to 
the  south  and  west,  just  beyond  the  Eio  Grande, 
stretchins:  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  lay  the  land  of  the  Aztecs. 

Mexico — a  country  one  of  the  fairest  on  the  face 


Imperialism  the  Motive  for  Secession^  >s   ^^   ^^ 

of  the  earth,  with  a  soil  unexcelled  in  fertilm^a  ^  "^ 
climate  unequalled  in  its  varied  gradations ;  a  coiAi-V  ^<^ 
ivy  abounding  in  mineral  wealth  and  precious  stones,  •  ^ 
with  capabilities  for  an  extended  commerce  and  for 
agricultural  development,  and  one  whose  people  had 
no  settled  opinions  of  what  should  constitute  stable 
government,  presented  a  dazzling  picture  for  Impe- 
rial acquisition  and  extension.  It  was  a  bright 
dream  and  ever  present  to  the  minds  of  the  leaders. 
It  is,  therefore,  not  astonishing  that  they  astutely 
turned  every  argument  that  presented  itself  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  towards 
educating  the  Southern  masses  to  revolt.  Im|)erial- 
ism  was  the  hidden  basis  of  all  political  action,  and 
unwise  utterances  and  unwise  le2:islation  in  the  i^orth 
gave  to  its  devotees  the  opportunity  of  presenting  to 
the  people  fallacious  arguments  which  should  tend 
towards  establishing  it  as  a  form  of  government  on 
this  continent. 

It  was  my  privilege  to  come  in  contact  with  some 
of  the  leaders  and,  although  they  were  professedly 
favorable  to  a  Republic,  I  could  see  beneath  their 
republican  garb  the  colors  of  royal  robes  protruding. 

While  stopping  at  the  Assembl}^  House  in  Colum- 
bia, South  Carolina,  on  the  eve  of  the  Secession  Con- 
vention meeting  in  that  city,  I  met  Robert  Barnwell 


18  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

Rhett,  a  man  of  brilliant  attainments,  an  inveterate 
hater  of  the  American  Union,  and  one  who  enjoyed 
being  looked  upon  as  the  first  man  in  Congress  to 
propose  a  dissolution  of  that  Union.  Mr.  Rhett  had 
just  emerged  from  his  self-imposed  retiracy  to  pri^vate 
life,  in  which  he  had  waitingly  lingered  for  a  decade 
of  years  to  take  the  helm  and  steer  his  State  on  the 
stormy  sea  of  revolution.  During  an  evening  spent 
in  the  parlor  a  number  of  gentlemen  were  discussing 
the  political  situation — it  was  after  Mr.  Lincoln's 
election.  One  cautious  gentleman  argued  that  South 
Carolina  had  no  tangible  cause  to  secede ;  that  the 
burning  questions  of  the  hour  were  mere  abstractions 
so  tar  as  it  was  concerned;  that  the  State  would  not 
lose  one  slave  by  the  unfriendly  operations  of  the 
personal  liberty  bills ;  that  the  people  were  not 
nomadic  in  character,  and  not  one  would  be  affected 
hy  the  unfriendly  operation  of  laws  to  govern  the 
Territories;  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  administration,  no 
matt-er  how  much  it  might  desire  to  do  so,  could  not 
injure  the  State,  for  the  reason  that  the  co-ordinate 
hranches  of  the  Government,  the  judicial  and  legis- 
lative, as  then  constituted  in  their  personnel,  were  a 
harrier  to  any  encroachments  by  the  Executive. 
Mr,  Rhett,  who  had  been  a  respectful  and  attentive 
listener,  cut  the  arocument  off  bv  admittins^  its  force 


Imperialism  the  Motive  for  Secession.  19 


and  frankly  saying  that  it  was  revolution  of  the 
government  that  was  wanted  and  that  revolution 
would  be  had.  A  few  days  thereafter,  under  the 
leadership  of  Mr.  Rhett,  the  ordinance  of  secession 
was  passed  at  Charleston,  the  first  scene  in  the  open- 
ing act  of  the  great  tragedy  which  had  been  carefully 
plotted  for  presentation  to  the  American  people. 

In  the  preceding  summer  I  had  been  stationed  in 
Montgomery,  Alabama,  and  while  there  I  saw 
William  Lowndes  Yancey  taking  the  platform  as  he 
started  on  his  campaign  of  firing  the  Southern  heart, 
which  was  to  lead  him  and  his  section  to  their  fate. 

Mr.  Yancey  was  a  South  Carolinian  by  birth,  and 
a  true  outcome  of  that  aristocratic  portion  of  the 
people  of  the  South  who  believed  in  the  Divine  right 
of  kings  to  rule,  or,  in  the  absence  of  kings,  that  the 
land  owner  had  the  same  kind  of  right  to  absolute 
control  of  all  that  might  be  necessary  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  land,  whether  men  or  cattle.  He  was 
earnest  and  honest  in  his  advocacy  of  his  views,  and 
in  consequence  it  was  to  be  expected  that  he  would 
be  found  on  the  side  of  the  few  and  against  the  many. 
He  was  the  most  brilliant  of  that  coterie  wherein 
E/Ufiin,  Rhett  and  Keitt  were  shinins:  lis^hts  and 
which  truthfully  represented  the  class  that  was  in- 
fatuated by  the  dream  of  Empire. 


20  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

As  the  class  thought  it  saw  in  the  Gulf  States  the 
rising  of  the  Emj^ire  so  did  Mr.  Yancfej^,  and  he  gave 
all  of  his  great  abilities,  his  remarkable  eloquence, 
his  untiring  energy  and  his  exclusive  time  to  bring 
about  the  realization  of  the  dream. 

His  personal  appearance  was  faultless;  his  speech 
pure,  smooth  and  magnetic.  There  was  not  an  im- 
purity in  his  public  or  private  character.  It  was, 
therefore,  expected  as  he  moved  along  on  his  mission, 
he  would  be  able  to  bring  not  only  devotees  to  the 
altar,  but  converts  too — an  expectation  which  was 
full}^  realized. 

Fiery  and  impetuous  in  the  extreme  South,  he  mod- 
ified his  lancfuao^e  as  he  moved  northward,  because  he 
knew  that  the  stimulus  for  precipitating  the  Gulf 
States  into  revolution  would  not  answer  in  the  border 
States.  The  effect  of  his  diplomacy  was  the  dinwing 
of  most  of  the  border  States  into  the  secession  move- 
ment— a  movement  that  was  expected  to  be  only  pre- 
liminary to  the  total  revolution  of  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment in  the  Gulf  States.  He  aided  in  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Southern  Confederacj",  which  he  looked 
upon  solely  as  being  the  halting  ground  between  the 
Republic  and  the  coveted  Empire. 

After  the  Confederacv  had  been  formed  he  was 
sent  abroad  as  an  ambassador  to  invite  recoo^nition 


Imperialism  the  Motive  for  Secession.  21 

and  assistance  from  the  monarchical  powers  of  Europe, 
but  as  those  powers  w^ould  not  entertain  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  Confederacy  with  slavery  as  an  acknowl- 
edged feature  of  its  foundation,  and  while  he  and  his 
followers  would  have  willingly  sacrificed  slavery  if 
such  sacrifice  would  brino^  about  the  establishino;  of 
the  Gulf  Empire,  they  clearly  foresaw  that  the  sacrific- 
ing of  slavery  to  obtain  European  recognition  of  the 
Confederacy  would  only  end  in  driving  most  of  the 
States  back  into  the  Union,  ^vhere,  under  Mr.  Lincoln's 
guarantee,  slavery  where  it  existed  would  receive  pro- 
tection, he  gave  up  the  cause  as  lost,  ran  the  block- 
ade, returned  home  disheartened  and  took  hi^eat  in 
the  Confederate  Senate.  He  died  in  comparative  ob- 
scurity. 

Without  elaborating  the  subject  after  giving  you 
these  imperfect  pictures  of  two  prominent  revolu- 
tionists, I  wnll  only  state  that  from  all  I  saw  and 
from  all  I  heard,  the  conclusions  I  arrived  at  was  that 
Imperialism  was  the  motive  for  Secession. 


III. 

PREPARATIOXS  FOR  WAR— THE   FIRST  TROOPS  TO 

RESPOND. 

rriHE  dark,  impenetrable  clouds,  so  loug  gather- 
JL  ing,  enshrouding  the  fate  of  popular  govern- 
ment, growing  more  threatening  as  they  deepened, 
were  on  the  13th  of  Apri^,  1861,  lightened  up  by  the 
flashes  from  rebel  guns  in  Charleston  harbor,  which 
at  once  dispelled  all  doubts  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
storm  that  was  to  sweep  over  the  land.  The  effect 
was  an  instantaneous  uprising  of  the  people  to  defend 
the  heritao^e  of  the  fathers. 

From  farm  to  hamlet, hamlet  to  town,  and  town  to 
city,  the  embers  of  patriotism  were  fanned  into  a 
blaze.  There  is  no  period  in  this  country's  history 
which  is  marked  with  a  purer,  more  unselfish  patri- 
otism than  that  embraced  in  the  days  intervening  the 
13th  of  April  and  the  1st  of  May,  1861,  and  no  spot 
that  w^itnessed  its  fuller  display  than  the  Common- 
w^ealth  of  Pennsylvania. 

Andrew  Gregg  Curtin,  forty-four  years  of  age, 
whose  election  in  October,  1860,  insured  that  of  Mr. 

(  22  ) 


> 


Preparatio7is  for  War.         "^^v  ^^^     f^ 


Lincoln  to  the  Presidency  in  the  J^ovember  f<5^ow-  /^   ^ 
ing,  occupied  the  Governor's  chair  at  Harrisburg.  *    K^^^ 

Beinsc  absent  from  the  State  at  the  time  of  his  »  ^ 
nomination  for  Governor,  I  have  no  personal  knowl- 
edge of  the  forces  which  accomplished  that  result, 
but  there  was  evident  partisan  Avisdom  in  the  selec- 
tion, as  he  was,  perhaps,  the  very  strongest  candidate 
his  party  could  have  named. 

Pennsylvania  w^as  the  pivotal  State  and  its  October 
election  the  pivot  upon  which  turned  the  indicating 
arm  pointing  to  party  success  in  the  Union.  It  was 
undoubtedly  true  that  notwithstanding  the  division 
in  the  Democratic  ranks,  Mr.  Lincoln's  success  de- 
pended largely,  if  not  wholly,  upon  his  party  carrj^- 
ing  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  for  Governor  in  Octo- 
ber. Party  necessity  therefore  both  demanded  and 
commanded  the  stiflingof  personal  jealousies  and  am- 
bitions among  the  leaders  and  in  the  party  ranks, 
and  the  selection  of  a  standard-bearer  who  through- 
out the  contest  would  fearlessly  bear  aloft  its  banner. 
Curtin  w^as  chosen,  and  the  result  proved  the  wnsdom 
of  the  choice.  He  w^as  richly  endowed  with  all  those 
physical  qualities  necessary  to  make  up  a  full  devel- 
opment of  a  handsome  man.  To  these  were  added  a 
well-stored,  Avell-balanced  brain  ;  a  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  the  history  of  the  Commonwealth  and  its  re- 


24  Kotcs  on  the  Civil   War. 

sources ;  a  full  fund  of  language  which  flowed  from 
his  lips  with  magnetic  attraction  in  a  copious,  un- 
broken stream.  Earnest  in  intent  and  prompt  in  ac- 
tion, he  was  the  very  personification  of  an  ideal 
leader  of  the  people.  With  strong  convictions  on  all 
questions  that  agitated  the  public  mind,  he  was  mod- 
erate in  the  language  he  used  in  giving  expression  to 
them,  and  in  consequence  did  not  invite  any  violent 
antagonisms.  With  an  energy  and  a  zeal  that  would 
not  permit  him  to  entertain  any  other  idea  than  that 
of  success,  he  took  up  the  burdens  of  the  campaign 
and  addressed  the  people  in  almost  every  city  and 
county  of  the  State. 

His  classic  oratory,  resounding  throughout  the  val- 
leys and  re-echoing  from  the  hills,  vibrated  the  grand 
old  Commonwealth  with  music  rarely  heard. 

The  people,  regardless  of  former  political  affilia- 
tions, attracted  to  his  standard  and  enthused  by  his 
speeches,  triumphantly  elected  him  over  a  Avorthy, 
pure  and  able  opponent  by  an  astonishing  majority. 

The  war  cloud  had  burst,  the  flood  gates  opened, 
and  the  stream  of  blood  began  to  flow. 

The  proclamation  of  the  President,  dated  April  15, 
1861,  calling  for  militia  from  the  various  States  to 
suppress  the  combinations  in  the  South  then  defying 
the  law^s  of  the  United  States,  reached  Harrisburg  by 


Tlie  First   Troops  to  Respond.  25 

telegraph  on  the  morning  of  that  date.  This  was 
followed  by  a  telegram  from  Secretary  of  War  Simon 
Cameron,  notifying  the  Governor  that  Pennsylvania's 
quota  under  the  call  would  be  sixteen  regiments,  two 
of  which  were  wanted  in  Washington  within  two 
days,  as  the  enemies  of  the  Government  were  seri- 
ously threatening  that  city,  Avhich  w^as  almost  en- 
tirely unprotected,  and  that  the  means  for  its  defense 
were  inadequate.  The  Governor,  without  issuing 
any  formal  proclamation,  telegraphed  that  of  the 
President  to  every  telegraph  station  and  county  town 
in  the  State,  subjoining  an  appeal  of  his  own  full  of 
patriotic  fire,  resolve  and  enthusiastic  suggestion. 
The  immediate  practical  response  was  found  in  the 
reporting  at  Harrisburg  before  the  morning  of  the 
18th  of  fiYQ  full  companies  of  uniformed  militia. 

The  Ringgold  Light  Artillery,  Captain  James  Mc- 
Knight,  of  Reading,  was  the  first  to  arrive  at  8  p.  m. 
of  the  16th,  closely  followed  by  the  Logan  Guards, 
Captain  John  B.  Selheimer,  of  Lewistown,  who  ar- 
rived two  hours  later.  The  National  Light  Infantry, 
Captain  Edmund  McDonald,  of  Pottsville,  the  Wash- 
ington Artillery,  Captain  James  Wren,  of  Pottsville, 
and  the  Allen  Guard,  Captain  Yeager,  of  Allentown, 
arrived  at  one  time,  8  p.  m.  of  the  17th. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Ringgold  Artillery  at  Harris* 


26  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

burg,  Capt.  McKnight  reported  at  the  State  Head- 
quarters for  orders,  but  the  G-overnor  being  absent 
in  Washington,  orders  could  not  be  obtained  from 
that  source.  The  Captain,  not  to  be  checked  in  his 
patriotic  ardor,  telegraphed  to  Washington  for  them, 
and  in  reply  received  instruction  from  Secretary  Cam- 
eron to  proceed  to  Washington  by  the  first  train. 
These  instructions  were  not  obeyed  because  the  official 
family  of  the  Governor  were  confronted  with,  to  them, 
the  grave  proposition  that  the  militia  of  the  State 
could  not  be  moved  beyond  the  State's  borders  and  into 
and  through  another  State  without  involving  it  in 
conflict  Avith  the  authorities  and  people  of  the  latter; 
and  Eli  Slifer,  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth,  rep- 
resenting the  Governor,  instructed  Capt.  McKnight 
to  delay  his  departure  for  Washington  until  he 
should  receive  his  orders  from  the  Governor.  Al- 
though from  all  parts  of  the  Commonwealth  could 
be  heard  the  steady  tread  of  its  sons  as  they  hast- 
ened to  enroll  themselves  for  the  defense  and  perpetu- 
ation of  Constitutional  government,  the  movement  of 
troops  towards  Washington  for  that  city's  relief  was 
halted  until  the  early  morning  of  the  18th,  when 
Fitz  John  Porter  arriving  at  Harrisburg  cut,  to  the 
entire  approbation  of  Governor  Curtin,  who  had  re- 
turned to  the  Capital,  the  constitutional  knot,  by 


\ 


The  First  Troops  to  Respond.  27 

ordering  the  militia  to  be  mustered  into  the  United 
States  service  and  to  move  as  United  States  troops. 
By  9  a.  m.,  Porter  had  these  five  companies,  com- 
prising 482  officers  and  men,  mustered  into  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  loaded  on  board  a 
I^orthern  Central  Kailvvay  train  and  started  for 
Washington.  Thev  had  for  company  on  the  train 
forty-live  regulars  of  the  4th  Artillery  en  route  for 
Fort  McHenry,  under  command  of  Captain  J.  C. 
Pemberton,  that  recreant  son  of  Pennsylvania  who, 
deserting  the  flag  of  his  country,  joined  the  Southern 
Confederacv,  became  one  of  its  Lieut.  Generals,  and 
is  now  only  known  to  fame  as  having  uncondition- 
ally surrendered  his  command  at  Yicksburg  to  Gen- 
eral Ulysses  S.  Grant. 

The  trip  was  uneventful  until  Baltimore  was 
reached.  There,  on  account  of  the  hostile  attitude 
of  a  large  part  of  the  population,  who  had  the  sym- 
pathy and  encouragement  of  many  people  of  wealth 
and  influence,  as  well  as  that  of  the  active  portion 
of  the  police  authorities,  it  was  deemed  pradent  to 
disembark  at  Bolton,  a  station  on  the  outskirts  of 
the  city,  and  march  the  command  for  two  miles  to 
Camden  Station,  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
road, where  it  was  again  to  take  a  train  for  Wash- 
ington.    The  march  was  a  most  perilous  one.     From 


28  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

the  moment  the  command  disembarked  it  was  fol- 
lowed and  attacked  by  as  desperate  a  mob  as  ever 
passion  raised.  The  mob  multiplied  as  it  moved, 
filling  the  air  with  the  noise  of  its  threatenings,  its 
oaths  and  its  imprecations.  But,  regardless  of  their 
surroundings,  and  with  minds  intent  on  their  mission, 
the  little  band  of  devoted  patriots,  without  a  word 
of  reply  or  a  movement  towards  defense,  marched 
unflinchingh^  on.  As  the  passions  and  demonstra- 
tions of  the  mob  increased  with  its  numbers  so  the  de- 
termination of  the  patriots  increased  as  dangers  ac- 
cumulated around  them  and  they  pushed  steadily 
forward  until  Camden  Station  Tvas  entered.  At  that 
point  the  mob,  fully  ten  thousand  strong,  infuriated  by 
the  cool  and  intrepid  demeanor  of  the  command,  broke 
through  all  restraint  and  began  a  fierce  assault  upon 
it  with  brickbats,  bottles,  stones  and  other  like 
missiles.  Amid  a  storm  of  that  character  the  com- 
mand embarked  upon  the  train  in  waiting.  The 
mob  then  attempted  to  detach  the  engine  from  the 
train,  but  the  resolute  engineer  supported  by  the 
crew  held  the  mob  at  bay  with  drawn  revolvers 
until  they  had  the  train  beyond  the  reach  of  assault. 
This  piatriotically-inspired  march  of  the  five  com- 
panies of  Pennsylvanians  through  Baltimore  was 
one  of  the  most  fearless  incidents  of  the  civil  war. 


The  First  Troops  to  Respond,  29 

With  the  exception  of  thirtj-fonr  muskets,  for  which 
there  was  no  ammunition,  the  arms  of  the  officers, 
the  sahres  of  the  artillery  and  one  box  of  percussion 
caps,  they  had  no  means  of  defense  as  they  made 
their  march  through  what  was  practically  a  hostile 
camp.  That  they  run  the  fearful  gauntlet  with  no 
injuries  but  slight  cuts  and  bruises  received  at  Cam- 
den Station  was  due  solely  to  their  manly  courage, 
self-control,  determined  bearing,  and  last,  but  not 
least,  the  sustaining  consciousness  of  performing 
duty.  They  arrived  in  Washington  a  little  after 
sundown,  the  first  installment  of  that  grand  army 
of  citizen  soldiery  which  was  so  soon  to  follow  and 
which  was  destined,  mid  the  din  and  carnage  of  war, 
to  render  illustrious  the  American  name  and  to 
establish  the  indestructibility  of  the  American  Re- 
public. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  I  ran  telegraph 
wires  into  the  Executive  Chamber,  and  there,  with  a 
key  and  a  relay,  established  on  a  window  sill  the 
first  electric  telegraph  office  for  military  purposes  on 
this  continent. 

On  the  18th  the  alarms  momentarily  coming  from 
Washington  as  to  its  danger,  and  the  very  threaten- 
ing attitude  of  Baltimore,  caused  the  Governor  and 
his  civil  and  military  family  extreme  uneasiness  as 


30  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

to  the  fate  in  store  for  the  gallant  five  companies 
essaying  to  reach  Washington.  With  almost  breath- 
less impatience  they  hung  over  the  little  instrument, 
drinking  in  with  avidity  every  word  relating  to  the 
movement  of  the  command.  When  the  companies 
had  reached  Baltimore  and  the  perils  surrounding 
them  became  known,  the  Governor  and  his  assist- 
ants deserted  my  improvised  office  and  made  haste 
to  the  Commercial  office  down  town,  as  if  they  would 
be  nearer  to  the  boys.  At  that  office  they  received 
with  deepest  solicitude  the  details  of  the  march  as 
they  were  being  revealed.  The  hour  was  a  gloomy 
one  filled  with  the  darkest  forebodings.  Therefore, 
great  was  the  relief  when  the  telegraph  announced 
that  the  command  was  safely  out  of  Baltimore  and 
speeding  towards  Washington.  With  this  expe- 
rience before  him  the  Governor  on  his  return  to  the 
Executive  Chamber  vowed  that  no  more  Pennsyl- 
vania troops  should  move  to  the  front  unless  they 
were  properly  armed  and  equipped  to  defend  them- 
selves, a  vow  he  faithfully  kept. 

Here  let  me  narrate  an  incident  that  occurred  in 
my  presence  which  illustrated  the  status  of  Curtin  in 
his  relation  to  the  conduct  of  the  war. 

Early  one  morning  in  the  latter  part  of  April, 
1861,   there    came    into    the    Executive    Chamber 


The  First  Troops  to  Itespoiid.  31 

an  agent  accredited  from  Governor  Andrews,  of 
Massachusetts,  to  Governor  Curtin,  who  announced 
his  mission  to  be  the  obtaining  of  permission  from 
the  latter  allowing  a  son  of  John  Brown,  of  Harper's 
Ferry  notoriety,  to  pass  through  Pennsylvania  with 
a  selected  company  of  men,  recruiting  secretly  on  the 
way  enroute  to  Virginia  for  the  purpose  of  causing 
an  uprising  of  the  slaves  against  their  masters. 

As  the  horrors  of  a  servile  insurrection,  in  which 
innocent  women  and  children  would  be  the  chief 
victims,  loomed  up  before  him,  Curtin  seemed  par- 
alyzed for  a  moment  at  the  cold-blooded  proposition. 
Then,  recovering  himself,  his  frame  quivering  with 
majestic  anger,  his  tones  surcharged  with  indigna- 
tion, he  dismissed  the  agent,  saying,  "l!^o!  I  will 
not  permit  John  Brown's  son  to  pass  through  Penn- 
sylvania for  such  a  purpose,  but  I  will  use  the  whole 
power  of  the  Commonwealth  to  prevent  his  doing  so. 
Go !  tell  those  who  sent  you  here  that  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned  this  war  will  be  conducted  only  hy  civilized 
methods." 

But  why  eulogize  Curtin  and  Pennsylvania's  sol- 
diers further?  His  patriotic  actions  and  their  heroic 
deeds  have  passed  into  imperishable  history  upon 
whose  pages  they  shine  with  a  spotless  lustre. 

It  is  a  fact  rarely  known  or  commeiited  upon, 


82  yotes  on  the  Civii   War. 

that  to  Pennsylvania  belongs  the  honor  not  only  of 
sending  the  first  troops  to  the  assistance  of  Washing- 
ton in  1861,  but  also  of  tendering  to  the  Government, 
for  the  defense  of  the  Union,  the  first  or^ranized  bodv 
of  men.  This  ofier  went  from  the  National  Light  In- 
fantry of  Pottsville,  Edmund  McDonald,  Captain 
commanding.  April  11,  1861.  and  reached  the  War 
Department  April  13th,  in  response  to  the  enemies' 
guns  which  had  opened  on  the  flag  at  Sumter.  The 
offer  was  immediatelv  accepted.  I  have  vet  to  learn 
that  any  other  single  company  was  accepted  by  the 
Government  during  the  war.  The  following  certifi- 
cate, written  bv  Simon  Cameron,  is  of  interest  in  this 

connection : 

"  Philadelphia.  Julv  4, 1866. 

•^  I  certifv  that  the  Pottsville  Xational  Lis^ht  In- 

fantry  was  the  first  company  of  volunteers  whose 

services  were  offered  for  the  defense  of  the  CapitaL 

A  telegram   reached  the  War  Department  on  the 

loth  makinor  the  tender.     It  was   immediatelv  ac- 

cepted.     The  company  reached  Washington  on  the 

18th  of  April,  1861,  with  four  additional  companies 

from  Pennsylvania,  and  these  were  the  first  troops 

to  reach  the  seat  of  Government  at  the  besrinnincr  of 

the  war  of  the  rebellion. 

"  SiMox  Cameron." 

General  Cameron  erred  in  stating  the  offer  was 

made  by  telegraph.     It  was  sent  by  mail  as  above 

noted. 


IV. 

THE    C0CKEY5VILLE   CA3IPAIGX   AXD   FITZ   JOH^ 

PORTER. 

\  \  ''  HILE  the  ^ve  Pennsvlvania  cc'injianies  were 
T  I  raakir.g  their  way  to  AVashiDgtoD  a  larsre 
force  of  the  i>eople  were  gatheriDg  at  Harrisbnrg. 
They  came  as  individnals,  in  sqnads  and  by  com- 
panies, aod  in  a  short  time  a  larsre  body  had  ar- 
rived, chansriDff  the  apf>earance  ot  the  town  from 
that  of  a  j^eaeeful.  qniet  capital  into  a  noisy,  armed 
camp.  By  the  events  of  the  19th  of  April,  wherein 
Baltimore  treason  displayed  its  ferocity  by  mnrder- 
ing  troops  on  their  way  to  Washington  and  by  tear- 
ing up  railroads,  burning  bridges  ^nd  cutting  down 
teleeraph  wires,  thus  isolating  Washinsrton  Citv  from 
the  Xorth,  it  bei.-ame  neoessarv  to  hnrriedlv  orsranize 
the  arrivius:  hosts.  Unaecustomed  to  militarv  af- 
fairs  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  people  of  the  Xorth 
were  filled  with  c-onstemation  as  they  saw  the  capi- 
tal of  the  countrv  cut  off  from  all  communication 
with  them  and  likelv  to  fall  at  anv  moment  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemies  to  the  Government  bv  direct 

f  -■>"■'»  \ 


34  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

attack  or  surel}^  to  fall  within  a  fortnight  from  star- 
vation, l^or  is  it  surprising  that  there  were  dis- 
tracted, divided,  although  patriotic,  counsels.  It  was 
fortunate  that  at  this  time  there  was  in  Harrisburg 
a  man  in  whom  the  civil  authorities  could  relj^,  and 
upon  whom  they  could  lean.  That  man  was  Fitz 
John  Porter,  horn  in  N^ew  Hampshire  in  September, 
1822.  He  was  educated  at  West  Point,  where  he 
graduated  in  1845  as  a  brevet  second  lieutenant  in 
the  Fourth  Artillery.  In  1847  he  was  promoted  to 
a  first  lieutenant,  and- was  with  his  regiment  as  it 
moved  with  General  Scott  in  his  conquest  of  the 
City  of  Mexico. 

He  was  conspicuously  gallant  at  the  battles  of  Me- 
lino  del  Rey,  Chapultepec,  and  the  Garita  de  Belen, 
receiving  respectively  the  brevet  ranks  of  captain 
and  major  for  his  conduct.  At  the  last-named  battle 
he  was  severely  wounded.  Subsequent  to  the  peace 
he  was  instructor  and  adjutant  at  West  Point.  In 
1856,  receiving  promotion  to  a  captaincy  in  the  Ad- 
jutant General's  department,  he  gave  up  his  line  rank. 
When  the  civil  war  broke  out  he  was  a  captain  and 
an  Assistant  Adjutant  General.  General  Scott  and 
Secretary  Cameron,  feeling  that  the  Capital  was  in 
great  danger  and  that  communication  between  it  and 
the  I^orth  might  be  cut  off  at  any  moment,  selected 


Fitz  John  Porter.  35 

Major  Porter  as  an  able,  true  and  discreet  officer  to 
send  to  Ilarrisbarg  for  the  purpose  of  representing 
the  Government  in  its  military  arm,  of  hurrying  for- 
ward relief,  and,  if  the  urgency  demanded  it,  offici- 
ally using  their  names  and  authority  without  first 
communicatino;  with  them.  It  was  a  trust  well  re- 
posed  and  faithfully  executed. 

Porter  was  a  man  of  unquestioned  courage,  un- 
doubted ability,  and  exalted  patriotism.  He  was  not 
a  magnetic  man  in  the  sense  of  creating  noisy  enthu- 
siasm in  troops  whenever  he  appeared,  but  he  was 
magnetic  in  attracting  and  holding  the  absolute  con- 
fidence .of  all  men  under  and  around  him.  To  his 
coolness  and  intrepidity  in  action  was  added  a  keen, 
penetrating  mind  that  enabled  him  to  judge  rapidly 
and  correctly. 

His  arrival  at  Harrisburg  w^as  opportune  and  his 
services  there  invaluable  to  the  authorities  and  Gov- 
ernment. He  at  once  set  the  military  machinery  in 
motion  and  by  April  20  had  organized  and  mustered 
into  the  United  States  service  the  First  Resjiment 
Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  Col.  Samuel  Yohe,  and 
despatched  it  that  night  as  the  advance  of  an  army 
to  move  through  Baltimore  to  reopen  communication 
with  Washington.  The  companies  comprising  the 
Second  Regiment  were  mustered  on  the  same  day. 


36  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

but  the  regimental  organization  was  not  perfected 
until  the  21st,  when  Frederick  C.  Stumbach  was 
chosen  colonel.  That  night  Major  Porter  despatched 
this  regiment  to  join  the  First  and  Third  who  were 
then  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cockejsville,  a  station 
on  the  Northern  Central  Railway,  about  fifteen  miles 
northwest  of  Baltimore. 

The  Third  Regiment  under  Col.  Francis  P.  Minier 
had  been  organized,  mustered  and  despatched  on  the 
20th.  The  three  regiments  were  under  the  general 
command  of  Brigadier  General  Geo.  C.  Wjnkoop. 
They  were  of  the  very  best  material,  intelligent, 
brave  and  patriotic,  but  exceedingly  deficient  in 
military  knowlege,  the  militia  of  the  State  being 
only  a  military  organization  in  name  and  form. 
What  military  knowledge  then  existed  in  the  com- 
mand was  confined  to  the  few  survivors  of  the  Mexi- 
can war  who  formed  a  component  part  of  the  several 
regiments.  This  knowlege  was  not  of  much  avail 
in  the  exigencies  which  had  arisen  and  Major  Porter 
had  his  hands  full. 

After  Wynkoop's  command  arrived  in  Cockej's- 
ville.  Porter,  seeing  the  necessity  of  having  a  support 
to  it  that  would  inspire  confidence,  was  hastily  or- 
ganizing a  body  of  regular  cavalry  under  Major  Geo. 
II.  Thomas.     Porter  in  person  arrived  at  Cockeysville 


Fitz  John  Porter.      ^J^lp    ^ 


o^ 


late  in  the  morning  of  April  21  and  was  rm5^-^  ^^^ 
Richard  Delafield  and  Capt.  Daniel  Tyler  ?5^  ^le  A, 
regular  arni}^,  who  aided  in  giving  confidence  ^K  v^ 
General  Wjnkoop,  and  instructions  to  him  and  his  • 
subordinates.  He  had  expected  to  have  been  able 
on  his  arrival  to  order  a  forward  march  on  Baltimore, 
but  was  disappointed  in  not  finding  at  Cockeysville 
either  Major  Thomas'  command,  Sherman's  Battery 
of  Artillery,  nor  the  organized  party  of  road  .and 
bridge  repairers  he  had  provided  for  and  expected  to 
meet. 

As  all  prudent  counsel  and  calm  judgment  indi- 
cated that  to  prevent  bloodshed  in  making  the  re- 
pairs to  the  railway  and  in  effecting  the  passage  of 
Baltimore  the  command  should  be  accompanied  by 
regular  troops,  Major  Porter  after  properly  disposing 
of  the  troops  and  giving  orders  to  General  Wynkoop 
hastily  returned  to  Harrisburg  to  expedite  the  move- 
ment of  the  regulars.  So  successful  were  his  efforts 
that  by  sundown  he  had  embarked  under  Major 
Thomas  four  hundred  dismounted  cavalry,  and  a 
force  of  brido;e  builders  with  brido-e  material.  Tak- 
ing  passage  with  the  former  he  arrived  at  York 
about  midnight,  expecting  to  reach  Cockeysville  in 
abundant  time  to  move  the  column  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  22nd.     But  here  occurred   one  of 


38  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

those  singular  circumstances  which  frequently  hap- 
pened in  the  subsequent  years  of  the*  war — a  coun- 
termandino:  of  orders  at  the  critical  moment  when 
success  depended  upon  the  original  orders  being  car- 
ried out.     The  onward  movement  of  Major  Porter's 
train  was  stopped  by  the  notice  of  an  arriving  loco- 
motive with  orders  from   AVashington  to  stop  the 
advance  of  the  troops  on  Baltimoj;e,  and  directing 
their  return  to  Pennsylvania  to  be  forwarded  via 
Philadelphia  and  Annapolis.      Major  James  Belger, 
of  the  Quartermaster's  Department,  was  said  to  he 
the  bearer  of  the  orders  and  empowered  to  carry 
them   out.     ^lajor  Porter  was   dumfounded,  could 
not  believe  that  such  orders  would  be  issued,  and 
much  less  that   an   officer   of  the   Quartermaster's 
Department  would  be  detailed  to  carry  out  such  a 
stratesric   movement.      Xot   seeins:    the   orders,   he 
resisted  to  the  extent  of  his  ability  the  execution  of 
them.      The  railroad  was  practically  in  the  hands  of 
Major  Belger,  and  the  railroad  officials  would  not 
move  Major  Porter  southward  without  first  know- 
ing that  the  track  was  clear  to  warrant  such  move- 
ment with  safety.     The  telegraph  line  was  so  fre- 
quently  interrupted   south   of   York   that    it    was 
impossible  to  obtain  any  reliable  information  upon 
which  to  base  action,  and  so  wore  the  night  away ; 


Fiiz  John  Porter.  39 

but  when  the  dawn  of  the  22nd  broke  it  disclosed 
the  troops  from  Cockejsville  on  board  of  arriving 
trains  at  York.  With  the  trains  came  Major  Belger 
and  the  orders.  The  latter  were,  first  an  order  from 
the  Secretary  of  War,  by  direction  of  the  President, 
to  return  the  troops  then  near  Cockeysville,  Md.,  to 
York,  Pa.,  and  directing  the  officer  in  charge  to 
leave  sufiftcient  force  along  the  railroad  to  keep  it 
safe  from  depredations  and  within  his  entire  control ; 
the  second,  an  order  from  General  Winfield  Scott  to 
return  the  troops  to  Ilarrisburg,  and  forward  them 
from  thence  via  Philadelphia  and  Annapolis,  placing 
the  execution  of  the  order  in  the  hands  of  Major 
Belo^er  and  abandoning;;  the  line  of  the  !N'orthern 
Central  Railway. 

On  the  back  of  the  first  order.  Secretary  Cameron 
made  an  endorsement  in  lead  pencil  as  follows : 
''  Since  writins:  the  within  order  it  has  been  chano-ed 
by  the  Lieutenant  General  by  direction  of  the  Presi- 
dent. I  now  add  that  I  direct  the  railroad  to  be 
kept  open  at  all  hazards  so  as  to  give  to  the  United 
States  the  power  to  send  troops  or  munitions  if  the 
necessity  for  bringing  them  by  that  route  shall  oc- 
cur by  the  failure  or  inability  of  the  Mayor  of  Bal- 
timore to  keep  his  faith  with  the  President."  Both 
of  these  orders  w^ere  issued  at  the  instance  of  the 


40  Notes  on  the  Civil    War. 

President  after  rej^eatecl  interviews  with  the  Mayor 
and  proininent  citizens  of  Baltimore,  and  from  a 
desire  to  prevent  bloodshed  in  that  city.  The  lead 
pencil  memorandum  of  Secretary  Cameron  was 
written  under  these  circumstances :  Major  Belger 
was  on  his  way  to  the  depot  in  Washington  with  the 
original  orders  when  Secretary  Cameron  met  him. 
The  Secretary  had  been  reflecting  upon  the  import- 
ance of  getting  the  troops  to  Washington  and  of 
keeping  open  the  line  of  the  IN'orthern  Central  Rail- 
way and  hurriedly,  as  he  sat  in  his  carriage,  made 
the  memorandum  and  then  verbally  directed  Major 
Belger  to  tell  Major  Porter  to  bring  on  the  troops  at 
all  hazards.  Belger,  however,  disregarded  the  Sec- 
retary of  War's  orders,  did  not  deliver  the  verbal 
order  to  Major  Porter,  but,  abandoning  the  railway 
to  its  fate,  carried  out  the  Lieutenant  General's  in- 
structions and  took  the  command  out  of  Porter's 
hands.  It  was  not  until  years  afterwards  that  Porter 
heard  of  Cameron's  verbal  orders  to  him,  and  that 
Cameron  learned  from  Belg^er  himself  that  he  had 
not  delivered  the  orders  to  Porter. 

Thus  ended  the  Cockeysville  campaign.  Because 
he  did  not  hold  the  Pennsylvania  troops  at  Cockeys- 
ville, and  did  not  force  his  way  through  to  Wash- 
ington with   them  and   the   regulars   under  Major 


Fltz  John  Porter.  41 

Thomas,  Major  Fitz  John  Porter  had  for  years  after- 
wards the  enmity  of  Secretary  Chase,  Senators 
Chandler,  Wade  and  Henry  Wilson,  the  latter  ac- 
knowledging in  after  years  that  that  was  the  first 
cause  of  his  opposition  to  him.  This  seed  of  oppo- 
sition grew  in  secret,  and  developed  into  such  force 
that  when  military  incapacity,  engrafted  upon  mili- 
tary jealousy,  demanded  a  sacrifice  the  powerful 
partisans  threw  their  weight  of  partisanism  into  the 
scale  and  deprived  this  brilliant,  this  guiltless,  this 
distinguished  ofiicer  of  his  well-earned  laurels  and 
the  Government  of  his  valuable  services. 

The  acts  of  Fitz  John  Porter  as  recorded  in  the 
foregoino;  sketches  were  not  the  least  of  his  in- 
A'aluable  services  to  the  Government  at  that  period. 
Under  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  he  had 
with  perfect  judgment  brought  out  from  Texas  the 
only  troops  saved  from  Twiggs'  surrender  and  so 
placed  them  that  they  would  render  the  greatest 
service ;  he  detailed  them  to  the  garrisons  at  Tortugas 
and  Key  West,  thus  not  only  strengthening  but  mak- 
ing perfectly  safe  those  positions.  As  the  clouds 
were  darkening,  and  knowing  that  Col.  Gardner, 
commandant  at  Fort  Moultrie,  was  too  old  to  bear 
the  responsibilities  which  were  sure  to  fall  upon  him 


42  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

in  that  coramaiKl,  he  selected  and  caused  the  appoint- 
ment of  Major  Robert  Anderson  for  the  post.  And er- 
son's  policj^  was  settled  in  l!s'ew  York  in  a  conference 
between  himself,  General  Scott  and  Porter,  the  latter 
marking  out  the  plan  by  which  Moultrie  was  to  be 
evacuated  and  Sumter  occupied  and  held.  Had  re- 
inforcements been  sent  as  the  plan  provided  Sumter 
would  have  been  held.  This  conference  and  its  aofree- 
ments  were  kept  secret  from  the  administration  at 
the  request  of  General  Scott,  because  the  administra- 
tion had  not  sought  and  was  not  seeking  his  advice. 

Porter,  in  addition  to  his  experience  in  the  intestine 
troubles  in  Utah  and  Texas,  had  cautiously  gathered 
a  fund  of  information  useful  to  the  Government,  and 
was  now  at  Harrisburg  with  communication  cut  otf 
with  the  authorities,  assuming  the  most  weighty 
responsibilities.  His  labors  were  ceaseless  by  day 
and  by  night.  For  a  week  at  a  time  he  could  not 
spare  a  moment  to  even  change  his  clothing  beyond 
renewing  his  collars  and  cuiFs. 

To  enter  into  all  the  details  of  his  work,  in  his 
seizing  the  reins  and  in  rousing  the  people  and  gov- 
ernment officials  to  the  gravity  of  the  crisis,  would 
require  a  volume  of  writing.  Space  herein  will  not 
permit,  but  there  was  one  act  so  prompt,  so  proper 
and  so  far  reaching  in  its  results,  that  it  will  always 


Fitz  John  Porter.  43 

stand  as  a  monument  to  his  ability,  fidelity  and 
patriotism.  Missouri  was  in  a  state  of  ferment.  St. 
Louis  was  apparently  in  the  hands  of  the  Secessionists. 
In  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal  there  were  70,000  stand  of 
arms  that  the  Secessionists  were  preparing  to  seize. 
Missouri  Union  Volunteers  were  comins:  to  the  front 
and  Lieut.  J.  M.  Schofield,  Third  Artillery,  then  in 
St.  Louis,  had  been  detailed  to  muster  them  in. 
General  Harney,  commanding  the  District,  standing 
upon  what  he  considered  neutral  ground,  refused  to 
allow  the  Missouri  Unionists  to  remain  in  the  Arsenal 
grounds  nor  to  be  armed.  It  was  a  critical  moment, 
and  Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  using  the  telegraph  ofiice  at 
East  St.  Louis,  sent  the  following  telegram  which  I 
received  at  Ilarrisburg  early  in  the  morning  of  the 
day  it  was  dated: 

"St.  Louis,  April  21,1861. 
"  To  Governor  A.  G.  Curtin: 

"  An  officer  of  the  army  here  has  received  an  order 
to  muster  in  Missouri  regiments.  General  Harney 
refuses  to  let  them  remain  in  the  arsenal  grounds  or 
permit  them  to  be  armed.  I  wish  these  facts  to  be 
communicated  to  the  Secretary  of  War  by  special 
messenger  and  instructions  sent  immediately  to 
Harney  to  receive  the  troops  at  the  arsenal  and  arm 
them.  Our  friends  distrust  Harney  very  much.  He 
should   be  superceded  immediately  by  putting  an- 


44  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

other  commander  in  the  district.  The  object  of  the 
Secessionists  is  to  seize  the  arsenal  here  with  its  sev- 
enty thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  he  refuses  the 
means  of  defending  it,  Y/e  have  plenty  of  men,  but 
no  arms. 

[Signed]  "  Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr." 

Governor  Curtin,  appreciating  the  gravity  of  the 
situation,  which  was  increased  by  the  certainty  that 
it  would  require  from  two  to  three  days'  time  to  per- 
fect full  communication  with  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and,  believing  that  the  delay  of  an  hour  might  place 
St.  Louis  in  the  hands  of  the  insurgents,  turned  to 
Porter  and  delivered  Blair's  appeal  to  him.  Major 
Porter,  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  used  the 
name  of  Lieutenant  General  Winfield  Scott  and  tele- 
graphed Captain  [NT.  Lyon,  Second  Infantry,  then  at  St. 
Louis,  to  muster  in  the  Union  troops  and  to  use  them 
for  the  protection  of  public  property.  He  also  noti- 
fied Harney  of  the  detail  and  instructed  him  to  see 
that  the  troops  so  mustered  should  be  properly  armed 
and  equipped.  Telegrams  of  the  same  import  were 
sent  to  Captain  Seth  Williams,  A.  A.  G.,  and  to  the 
commanding  ofl3.cer  of  the  arsenal  at  St.  Louis,  and 
in  the  name  of  the  Secretary  of  AVar  ( Simon  Cam- 
eron )  to  Mr.  Blair. 

The  prompt  receipt  of  these  orders  enabled  Gen- 


Fitz  John  Porter.      N^x   -^  <  ^i'A 

eral  Blair,  Captain  Lyon  and  other  prominent?-^*iiofl    ,     ^ 
men  to  become  masters  of  the  situation,  to  the  eir^B.     OyO 
discomfiture  of  the  Secessionists  who  by  the  delay  oK^      O 
one  day  would  have  been  enabled   to   capture  the 
arsenal,  with   its   valuable   contents,   and   hold   St. 
Louis.     General  Blair  always  held  that  this  action 
of  Porter  saved  Missouri  to  the  Union  with  all  the 
great  benefit  to  the  JSTational  cause  that  such  result 
implied.     These  few  bold   and   prompt  strokes   of 
Porter's  pen  saved  that  which  had  it  been  lost  at  the 
time  would  have  required  a  large  army,  with  its 
attendant  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  months  if 
not  years  to  recover. 

Porter,  with  drawn  sword  on  the  Peninsula  and  on 
the  itineracy  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  which 
ended  with  the  battle  of  Antietam,  was  an  heroic 
figure,  but  Porter  in  the  emergency,  cut  off  from  all 
communication  with  superior  authority,  standing 
isolated,  pen  in  hand  winning  a  great  and  bloodless 
victory  for  his  country,  is  a  grand  character. 


Y. 


BULL  RUN  TO  ANTIETAM. 

Dedicated  to  the  memory  of  Thomas  A.  Scott,  who,  in  life, 
whether  ia  times  of  war  or  in  times  of  peace,  was  a  foremost 
citizen  in  defending  his  country's  rights  and  advancing  its 
prosperity. 

THE  battle  of  Bull  Eun  and  its  attending  dis- 
asters threw  the  country  into  a  great  turmoil 
of  excitement.  The  loyal  people  were  appalled  when 
the  startling  fact  broke  upon  them  that  they  had 
vastly  underrated  the  strength,  power  and  resources 
of  the  enem}^  They  saw  that  they  were  sadly  dis- 
appointed in  their  supposition  that  the  ariJiy  of  raw 
levies  from  the  workshops,  fields,  counters  and  ofiices 
of  the  l^orth,  accustomed  only  to  the  avocations  of 
peace,  would,  in  three  short  months,  whip  a  military 
people,  fighting  under  the  stimulus  of  desperation. 
"  Bull  Run  "  was  an  error  which  a  round  of  cir- 
cumstances made  the  Government  commit.  The 
three  months'  enlistments  were  drawing  to  the  end  of 
the  term;  the  troops  not  satisfied  with  the  great 
work  they  had  performed   of  saving   the   Capitol, 

(  46  ) 


Ball  Ran  to  Antietam.  47 

desired  a  taste  of  war's  bitter  fruits  in  the  frenzied 
fray  ;  influences  from  civil  life  clamored  for  a  battle, 
and  everywhere  throughout  the  land  the  cry  of  "  On 
to  Richmond"  could  be  heard;  capitalists  who  had 
loaned  the  Government  their  wealth,  Senators  and 
Representatives  in  Congress  w^ho  had  the  voting  of 
supplies,  and  the  radical  abolitionists  with  an  im- 
petuousness  inborn  of  their  detestation  of  slavery, 
demanded  a  demonstration  against  the  enemy.  Tlie 
President  at  last  gave  way  under  the  pressure 
thus  brought  to  bear  upon  him  and  added  his  voice 
to  the  throng  in  urging  an  onward  movement.  Long 
and  fervent  were  the  remonstrances  of  the  veteran 
General  Scott  and  the  young  and  intrepid  McDowell, 
but  they,  too,  had  to  give  way  to  the  noisy  clamors, 
and  the  consequence  was  an  order  for  McDowell  to 
advance  his  army  on  Manassas,  the  stronghold  of  the 
enemy.  The  result,  that  toughly-contested  battle, 
fought  on  a  hot  Sunday,  which  brought  so  much  dis- 
tress, dismav  and  diso-race  to  the  arms  of  the  Union. 
While  the  action  was  progressing  I  was  on  duty 
in  the  War  Department  at  Washington  as  military 
telegraph  operator,  and  around  me  was  gathered  one 
of  the  most  illustrious  groups  brought  together  dur- 
ing the  war  with  the  Confederate  States,  to  witness 
on  that  beautiful  Sunday  the  tragedy  being  enacted 
on  the  banks  of  Bull  Run. 


48  Notes  on  the  Civil  Wai . 

Military  science,  surrendered  to  the  passions  of  the 
people,  had  passed  under  newspaper  and  partisan 
political  control,  and  the  group  had  gathered  to 
watch  the  practical  effects  of  that  surrender,  little 
dreaming  what  the  declining  of  that  day's  sun  would 
disclose. 

The  group  was  composed  of  President  Lincoln, 
William  H.  Seward,  Simon  Cameron,  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  Gideon  Welles  and  Edward  Bates,  of  the 
Cabinet ;  Colonels  Townsend,  Yan  Rensalaer,  Ham- 
ilton and  Wright,  of  General  Scott's  staff;  General 
Mansfield,  commanding  the  defenses  of  Washington, 
and  Col.  Thomas  A.  Scott,  of  Pennsylvania.  With 
maps  of  the  field  before  them  they  watched,  as  it 
were,  the  conflict  of  arms  as  it  progressed,  at  the 
same  time  keeping  up  a  running  desultory  conversa- 
tion. 

The  military  telegraph,  which  had  not  yet  reached 
the  efiiciencv  which  afterwards  characterized  it,  ex- 
tended  only  to  Fairfax  Court  House,  from  which 
point  General  McDowell  kept  the  authorities  advised 
of  his  movements.  Hour  after  hour  the  couriers 
reported  unbrokenly  that  our  troops  were  steadily 
forcing  the  enem}^  back,  but  as  that  w^as  expected, 
the  reports  only  tended  to  increase  the  complacent 
satisfaction  w^ith  w^hich  all  of  the  party  seemed  to  be 
possessed. 


Bull  Run  to  Antietam.  49 

A  despatch  had  been  received  from  General  Rob- 
ert Patterson,  the  evening  before,  announcing  that 
Johnston  had  eluded  him,  but  the  sanguine  feeling 
which  animated  the  group  was  in  no  wise  abated  by 
that  knowledge  or  by  the  probability  of  Johnston 
forming  a  junction  with  Beauregard  that  da}^ 

The  day  passed  quietly  in  the  Department,  all 
present  looking  forward  with  an  abiding  coniidence 
for  McDowell's  success. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  deeply  impressed  with  the  responsi- 
bilities of  the  occasion,  wore  a  quiet  dignity  and  his 
observations  on  the  pending  conflict  w^ere  free  from 
humor  and  were  few  and  measured. 

Mr.  Seward,  complacently  smoking  a  cigar,  dis- 
played a  consciousness  that  his  prophecy  of  a  thirty 
days'  war  was  about  being  verified. 

Mr.  Cameron,  not  doubting  the  result  of  the  day's 
work,  yet  not  sharing  in  Mr.  Seward's  views  as  to 
the  duration  of  the  war  with  the  forces  then  in 
hand,  gave  expression  to  his  opinions  in  the  forcible, 
practical  manner  for  which  he  was  distinguished. 

The  military  gentlemen  explained  movements,  be- 
sides occasionally^  withdrawing  themselves  for  the 
purpose  of  advising  General  Scott  of  the  battle's 
progress,  he  being  too  much  enfeebled  hy  the  infirm- 
ities of  age  to  leave  his  quarters. 


50  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

The  other  gentlemen  of  the  group  were  deeply 
interested  observers. 

Up  to  half-past  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
advices  from  McDowell  were  frequent,  the  des- 
patches at  that  hour  indicating  that  he  was  pressing 
.Beaure2:ard  back  to  Manassas  Junction.  From  then 
on  until  the  shades  of  evenins;  were  drawing;  on 
apace  an  ominous  silence  settled  upon  the  telegraph. 
The  conversation  of  the  gentlemen  took  a  speculative 
turn  on  the  causes  of  the  sudden  cessation  of  in- 
formation from  the  field,  the  generally  expressed 
opinion  being  that  McDowell,  flushed  with  victory, 
was  too  busily  engaged  in  securing  its  fruits  to 
write  despatches.  But  as  time  wore  on,  and  specu- 
lation had  almost  given  way  to  impatience,  the 
throbbino;  instrument  broke  its  Ions;  silence  and  told 
that  "  Our  armj^  is  retreating."  Such  information 
being  entirely  unexpected,  was  received  at  first  with 
incredulity,  but  as  corroboration  soon  followed,  and 
the  fact  became  apparent  that  the  army  was  not  only 
retreating  but  was  flying  in  a  panic,  it  was  received 
and  accepted  with  outward  composure.  There  was 
no  consternation  and  but  a  feeble  ripple  of  excite- 
ment of  momentary  duration  and  scarcely  discern- 
ible. As  the  result  was  the  opposite  of  the  anticipa- 
tions, it  would  be  expected  that  the  sudden  revulsion 


Bull  Run  to  Antietam.  51 

would  have  at  least  produced  great  excitement,  but 
whatever  may  have  been  the  thoughts  and  feelings 
of  these  gentlemen  they  kept  them  closel}^  veiled  as 
the  truth  was  beins;  revealed.  Mr.  Seward  smoked 
on  without  the  slightest  perturbation  being  shown 
upon  his  countenance,  in  his  manner  or  speech.  The 
days  of  his  prophecy  were  ended,  and  he  extricated 
himself  from  the  consequences  of  their  not  bringing 
fulfilment  by  extending  them  to  a  later  period. 
Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  turning  to  General  Mans- 
field, said,  quietly, "  General,  it  would  be  well  to  man 
your  fortifications  and  stay  this  retreat,"  and  then 
left  the  Department  with  Mr.  Cameron  for  the  pur- 
pose of  holding  a  consultation  with  General  Scott. 
As  the  telegraph  reported  the  terrible  scenes  and 
heartrending  stories  of  sufferings  during  the  progress 
of  that  never-to-be-forgotten  flight,  Mr.  Lincoln  felt 
that  the  hour  of  the  N^ation's  greatest  peril  was 
opening,  and  while  making  preparations  to  meet  it, 
the  saddened  lines  of  his  countenance  deepened  and 
his  whole  soul  seemed  to  go  out  in  sympathy  to  the 
dying,  the  sick  and  wounded,  the  foot-sore  and  the 
weary. 

General  Scott  could  not  understand  that  a  "hero 
of  one  hundred  battles"  could  be  beaten,  and  he  only 
believed  when  the  advancing  hurricane  of  the  flying, 

This  Book  is  the  Property  of  the  New  York  World. 


52  JVotes  on  the  Civil  War. 

panic-stricken  army  sounded  its  approach  to  the 
Capital.  When  the  veteran  at  last  believed  he  gave 
me  an  autograph  order  to  suppress  all  news  of  the 
disaster  which  might  be  oiFered  for  telegraphing  to 
the  country.  Armed  with  this  document  I  drove 
down  Pennsylvania  avenue  to  the  American  Tele- 
graph office  and  notified  its  manager  of  the  commands 
of  the  General-in-Chief.  Piled  upon  the  telegraph 
tables  were  "specials"  from  the  field  describing,  in 
thrilling  language — as  only  the  "  War  Correspond- 
ent" could  describe — the  scenes  and  events  of  the 
day.  All  intimations  of  disaster  were  ruthlessly  cut 
from  the  specials,  and  only  the  rose-coloring  per- 
mitted to  be  telegraphed.  Thus  it  was  that  while 
the  gloom  of  the  darkest  hour  in  the  Republic's  his- 
tory hung  like  a  pall  over  Washington  City,  through- 
out the  Xorth  bells  were  ringing  out  rejoicings  over 
the  glad  tidings  of  victory. 

Telegrams  were  sent  to  General  McClellan,  at 
Beverly,  in  Western  Virginia,  informing  him  of  a 
"repulse  "  to  McDowell,  and  to  Generals  Banks  and 
Dix — both  of  whom  were  in  Baltimore — instructing; 
them  to  keep  their  men  under  arms,  l^o  official 
telegrams  for  aid  were  sent  at  this  time,  but  Colonel 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  with  a  keen  perception  of  the  sit- 
uation, and  foreseeins:  the  necessities  of  the  morrow. 


Bull  Run  to  Antietam.  53 

sent  a  telegram  to  Governor  Curtin,  at  Harrisburg, 
which,  in  conception  and  composition,  was  so  char- 
acteristic of  the  man  who  no  sooner  saw  a  want  than 
he  comprehended  its  supply,  that  I  give  its  entire 
text  here : 

^'Washington,  July  21, 1861. 
*''- Hon.  A.  G.  Curtin^  HaiTishurg^  Pa,: 

"Get  your  regiments  at  Harrisburg,  Easton  and 
other  points  ready  for  immediate  shipment;  lose  no 
time  in  preparing ;  make  things  move  to  the  utmost. 

[Signed]  "  TnoMAs  A.  Scott." 

This  despatch  anticipated,  by  many  hours,  any  of- 
ficial action  looking  towards  a  call  for  "  more  troops." 
The  reply  to  it  was  found  in  the  hastening  of  the 
famous  Pennsylvania  Reserves  to  the  relief  of  the 
threatened  Capital.  Mr.  Lincoln  lingered  around 
the  War  Department  until  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  when  he  retired  to  the  White  House,  leav- 
ing Mr.  Scott  on  guard,  an  active,  watchful  sentinel 
of  the  movements  of  the  night.  Had  the  country 
been  consulted,  there  could  not  have  been  selected 
from  among  its  patriotic  sons,  an  abler,  truer,  wiser, 
braver  guardian,  than  the  noble  Pennsylvanian  whom 
Mr.  Lincoln  left  on  guard  to  care  for  its  interests  i  n 
the  crisis  which  had  come  upon  it. 

At  the  close  of  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  Washington 


54  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

City  was  crowded  with  a  disorganized,  demoralized 
mob,  scarcely  controllable,  which  had  taken  the 
shortest  routes  from  the  battle-field  to  the  Capital. 
The  most  of  the  persons  composing  it  were  eagerly 
demanding  their  discharges,  as  the  term  of  their 
enlistments  had  either  expired  or  were  expiring.  It 
was  indeed  a  dark  day  that  had  fallen  upon  the 
country.  While  a  strona:  and  victorious  enemy, 
jubilant  oyer  its  success,  was  threatening  the  yery 
gates  of  the  Capital,  its  defenders,  scattered  and  un- 
manageable, were  parading  the  streets  and  avenues 
in  grotesque  parties  spinning  yarns  of  individual 
valor. 

General  Simon  Cameron  held  the  portfolio  of  the 
Department  of  War.  He  was  assisted  by  Colonel 
Thomas  A.  Scott,  one  of  the  best-equipped  and  prac- 
tical minds  of  the  day,  a  man  whose  energy  and 
applicability  enabled  him  to  surmount  any  difficulty 
that  might  be  thrown  in  his  way. 

At  a  consultation  held  immediately  after  the  battle, 
it  was  determined  upon  bringinging  the  young  mili- 
tary chieftain.  General  McClellan,  from  the  scene  of 
his  successes  in  Western  Virginia  to  reorganize  the 
army  for  the  defense  of  the  Union.  With  his  prestige, 
ability  and  ardor  he  soon  brought  order  out  of  chaos, 
and  had  a  large  army  in  training  on  the  banks  of 


Bull  Run  to  Anticiam.      ^S^'^S^^A 

the  Potomac.  A  perfect  net-work  of  fortifica^jpnsv  .  ^J^ 
sprang  np  around  Washington  at  the  hands  of  )(J^  ^^ 
coniplished  and  experienced  engineers.  Daily  troopsT^  ^^ 
were  formed  into  beautifal  human  machines  whose 
every  movement  betokened  harmony  of  action. 
Colonel  Lorenzo  Thonias  was  made,  by  brevet,  a 
Brigadier  General,  and  occupied  the  post  of  Adjutant 
Geneml ;  Captain  Meigs,  an  eminent  engineer,  whose 
work  upon  the  Washington  aqueduct  and  the  dome 
of  the  Capitol  had  given  him  a  world-wide  reputa- 
tion, was  appointed  Quartermaster  General,  with  the 
rank  of  brevet  Brigadier  General;  Colonel  J.  W. 
Kipley,  advanced  to  similar  rank,  was  promoted  to 
Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Ordnance,  and  Colonel  Joseph 
Taylor,  brother  of  old  ''  Rough  and  Ready,"  acted 
as  Commissary  General  of  Subsistence. 

The  army,  under  the  auspices  of  these  learned 
military  men,  became,  as  it  were,  an  army  of  vet- 
erans, ever  ready  for  the  fray  in  which  they  might 
retrieve  the  I^ation's  honor  and  punish  treason.  The 
summer  wore  away  in  bringing  the  army  into  con- 
dition and  insuring  the  invulnerability  of  the  politi- 
cal metropolis  of  the  country,  and  just  as  the  frosts 
of  autumn  had  rendered  an  advance  upon  the  enemy 
practicable,  rains  set  in,  causing  Virginia's  proverb- 
ially  bad   roads    to   become    perfectly    impassable. 


56  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

Rains  continued  throughout  the  fall  and  winter. 
Roads  had  no  bottoms,  and  the  ground  became  so 
thoroughly  saturated  that  at  the  close  of  1861  and 
the  commencement  of  1862,  regimental  and  even 
company  drill  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  pickets  in 
camp  and  on  the  outposts,  stationed  in  the  most 
advantageous  positions,  unable  to  walk  their  posts, 
plodded  them,  and  that  often  through  mud  to  their 
ankles.  The  only  consolation  our  troops  gave  them- 
selves in  their  mud-bound  condition  was  that  of  be- 
lieving the  enemy  were  in  no  better  condition.  The 
only  difference  which  did  exist  was,  that  while  our 
army,  ever  prepared  for  an  advance,  waited  for 
propitious  weather  in  tents,  the  enemy  had  gone  into 
comparatively  comfortable  winter  quarters. 

During  the  time  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Potomac 
lay  thus  inactive,  independent  movements  were  made 
and  laro^e  drafts  for  the  men  to  carrv  them  into 
effect  were  made  upon  it.  These  movements  and 
depletions  of  his  ranks  were  strenuously  opposed  b}^ 
General  McClellan,  on  the  ground  of  bad  policy. 
He  contended  that  while  it  weakened  his  army  the 
advantages  arising  from  striking  at  and  occupying 
isolated  points  in  the  South  could  in  no  way  be  equal 
to  those  that  would  arise  from  his  bearins;  down 
with  a  large  and  overwhelming  force  upon  the  posi- 


Ball  Biui  to  Antietam.  57 

tions  where  the  strength  of  the  enemy  was  centered. 
Further,  that  concentration,  not  the  isolation,  of 
divisions  was  the  true  principle  upon  which  the  war 
should  be  conducted,  to  bring  the  rebellion  to  a 
speedy  conclusion.  This  sage  and  deep  reasoning 
was  overthrown,  and  he  was  compelled  to  see  some 
of  his  choicest  troops  taken  away  from  him,  but  to 
his  honor  and  patriotism  be  it  said,  that  the  moment 
the  policy  of  independent  movements  were  resolved 
upon,  he  gave  all  his  talents  and  energy  to  ensure 
their  success. 

The  retiracy  of  General  Winfield  Scott,  in  the  fall 
of  18G1,  caused  the  appointment  of  McClellan  as 
General  Commanding  the  United  States  Army. 
Multiplied  as  his  duties  became,  by  reason  of  his 
advancement,  he  did  not  shrink  an  instant  from  the 
responsibilities  of  his  position,  but  went  to  work 
with  an  energy  which  soon  infused  new  life  into  the 
whole  army.  He  planned  his  campaign,  then  set  to 
work  in  bringing  his  combination  to  perfection. 
Day  and  night  have  I  seen  him  busily  engaged  mov- 
ing the  vast  machinery  of  the  whole  army  and  per- 
sonally attending  to  the  details  of  the  management 
of  his  immediate  command — the  great  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  !N'ot  a  moment  of  time  did  he  devote  to 
himself  excepting  such  hours  as  nature  demanded 


58  Notes  on  the  Civil  War. 

for  repose,  and  those  he  curtailed  to  the  utmost 
limit.  His  meals  were  oftenest  eaten  while  he 
labored.  A  little  wicker  basket,  contaiuins;  a  few 
saiKhviches,  some  bread  and  cheese,  and  now  and 
then  a  tart,  was  the  storehouse  from  which  for  days 
he  drew  his  only  provisions.  The  results  of  his  ex- 
cessive labors  and  close  confinement  to  duty  were 
shown,  in  colors  of  brilliancy,  by  the  gallant  achieve- 
ments in  the  West,  the  restoration  of  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee  to  the  Union,  the  evacuation  of  Manassas 
and  Corinth,  the  reopening  of  the  Mississippi  and 
the  occupation  of  ^N'ew  Orleans. 

These  glorious  results  were  clearlj^  attributable  to 
the  genius  of  McClellan,  and  would  have  been  the 
forerunner  of  greater  achievements,  bringing  the  war 
to  a  close,  with  a  restored  Union,  within  eighteen 
months  from  the  time  Sumter  was  fired  upon, 
had  he  been  allowed  to  pursue  his  plans  to  their 
final  consummation.  It  was  not  to  be  so.  Simon 
Cameron  resigned  as  Secretary  of  War,  and  Edwin 
M.  Stanton  w^as  appointed  his  successor.  From  that 
moment  the  policy  of  the  Department  of  War 
changed.  Mr.  Stanton  had  a  national  reputation  of 
being  an  eminent  legal  scholar,  withal  he  was  am- 
bitious to  unheal thiness,  egotistic,  bombastic,  arro- 
gant and  untruthful.     He  was  called  upon  to  act  in 


Bull  Run  to  Antietam.  59 

a  department,  the  hio:hlj  patriotic  duties  of  which 
he  was  entirely  unfitted  for.  It  was  peculiarly  un- 
fortunate that  Mr.  Lincoln's  foresightedness  should 
have  failed  him  when  he  consented  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  Stanton.  "We  can  only  lament  that  it  did. 
The  fulsome  laudation  of  the  press  of  the  country  soon 
raised  Stanton  to  a  standard  farbeyond  his  caliber, 
and  the  people,  so  prone  to  allow  their  enthusiasm 
to  carry  their  judgment  beyond  the  line  of  prudence, 
carried  the  standard  to  a  more  giddy  height,  so  that 
Stanton,  looking  in  any  direction,  saw  nothing  but 
himself.  His  egoism  and  vanity  were  catered  to, 
causing  him  to  assume  the  position  he  did  which 
proved  so  disastrous  to  the  country.  His  incapacity 
to  wield  the  scepter  placed  in  his  hands  soon  showed 
itself. 

Simon  Cameron  and  Thomas  A.  Scott,  unaided, 
had  performed  all  the  necessary  administrative  work 
of  the  Department  in  raising,  equipping,  organizing 
and  placing  in  the  field  an  army  of  six  hundred 
thousand  men,  besides  receiving  and  hearing  the 
large  crowds  of  people  who,  in  rapid  streams,  flowed 
into  Washington  irom  all  quarters  of  the  country. 
Day  and  night  they  were  accessible  to  any  person 
that  might  call  upon  them.  Mark  the  effect  of  the 
change.    Secretary  Cameron's  resignation  took  place 


60  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

when  the  army  was  ready  to  move  and  the  business 
of  the  Department  had  dwindled  down  to  mere 
routine.  Notwithstanding  this,  Mr.  Stanton  in- 
sisted upon  having  three  Assistant  Secretaries  of 
War  and  a  large  addition  to  his  corps  of  clerks, 
and  after  receiving  that  additional  assistance,  he 
denied  audiences  four  days  in  the  week  to  all  call- 
ers, the  President  and  members  of  the  Cabinet 
alone  excepted.  On  the  remaining  two  days  he 
graciouslj^  permitted  access  to  his  presence,  designa- 
ting live  hours  of  one  day  as  the  time  for  Senators 
and  members  of  Cono:ress  and  live  hours  of  the  other 
day  as  the  time  for  the  general  public  and  officers  of 
the  army  to  call. 

The  atmosphere  of  the  Department  soon  thick- 
ened with  the  atoms  of  autocracy  and  snobbery, 
erstwhile  found  flying  around  the  heads  of  royalty, 
but  which  now  had  eftected  a  lodo-ment  on  and 
around  Mr.  Stanton's  desk. 

The  reason  announced  for  the  enlargement  of  the 
force  and  curtailment  of  the  freedom  of  access  was 
that  such  action  was  necessary  for  the  expedition 
of  business.  If  such  necessity  existed,  it  was  a 
thousand  times  more  urgent  under  Cameron  than 
under  Stanton ;  but  the  fact  is  that  it  did  not  exist 
at  all,  and  the  only  reasonable  explanation  of  Stan- 


Bull  Run  to  Ardietam.  61 

ton's  action  was  to  be  found  in  an  overwhelmino; 
desire  on  Lis  part  to  surround  himself  with  a  seem- 
ing inapproachableness  so  as  to  enable  him  to  undo 
all  that  had  been  done  by  his  predecessor.  That  he 
succeeded  in  obtaining  his  desire  is  fully  attested  by 
subsequent  events.  Enlistments  were  stopped,  and 
the  ranks  of  the  army,  instead  of  being  kept  up 
to  a  standard  of  six  hundred  thousand  fio-htins:  men, 
were  being  reduced  daily  by  sickness  and  the  casual- 
ties of  war,  and  no  one  to  fill  up  the  vacant  files. 

McClellan  forced  the  enemy  to  abandon  his  ex- 
tremely strong  position  at  Manassas,  and  then  sought 
a  new  base  of  operations  in  the  Peninsula.  Evacua- 
tion by  the  enemy  of  Yorktown  and  the  lines  of  the 
James,  Chicahominy  and  York  rivers  to  a  new  posi- 
tion within  a  few  miles  from  Richmond  was  an  early 
result.  McClellan  was  thus  in  a  position  to  realize 
his  fond  anticipations  of  bringing  the  war  to  a 
speedy  conclusion,  but  the  policy  of  the  War  De- 
partment was  against  him,  and  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  successfully  contend  with  that  enemy  in  the 
rear,  and  the  armed  foe  in  the  front.  The  failure  of 
McDowell  to  form  a  junction  with  him,  and  the  non- 
arrival  of  needed  reinforcements  caused  the  necessity 
for  the  change  of  base  to  the  James  river  accom- 
panied by  the  "  Seven  days'  fight  "  with  all  its  at- 


62  Notes  on  the  Civil  War, 

teiidant  casualties.  The  President  on  appeal  said 
every  man  was  sent  McClellan  that  could  he  sent 
him  ;  that  there  were  no  more  to  send.  That  was 
unquestionably  true,  hut  why?  Enlistments  had 
been,  stopped  when  they  should  have  ^one  on,  at 
least  until  such  time  as  would  be  required  to  have  a 
sufficient  force  in  reserv^e  for  just  such  emergencies 
as  arose.  Cameron's  policy  would  have  insured  a 
patriotic  army  of  a  million  of  men,  and  operations 
would  not  have  had  to  be  suspended  a  moment  for 
new  levies  to  be  made.  Reserves  under  that  policy 
could  have  been  sent  forward  to  close  decimated 
ranks,  enabling  a  steady  advance  of  the  Union  col- 
umns upon  all  those  spots  where  the  Confederacy 
had  its  armed  forces.  ''  Ko  men  to  send  "  caused 
Banks  to  retreat  to  the  Potomac,  and  laid  open  to 
the  enemy  the  beautiful  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah. 
Yet  Banks'  retreat  was  not  a  warning.  To  be  sure 
it  fired  the  patriotic  heart  of  the  country,  and  caused 
large  bodies  of  able-bodied  men  to  rush  forward  and 
tender  their  services  to  the  Government,  but  the 
Government,  under  the  baneful  influence  of  Stanton 
and  his  policy,  cooled  the  ardor  of  the  people  by  re- 
fusing to  accept  the  noble  offers,  on  the  pretext  that 
there  were  sufficient  men  in  the  field.  Had  those 
sons   of  constitutional   liberty   been   accepted,   Mc- 


Bull  Bun  to  Antletam.  G3 

Clellan  could  have  liad  an  overwhelmino;  force  at 
his  command  with  which  to  destroy  the  Southern 
Army,  capture  Richmond  and  close  the  war. 

While  McClellan  was  at  Harrison's  Landing  put- 
tino^  the  Armv  of  the  Potomac  into  condition  for  a 
movement  upon  Richmond,  and  calling  for  reinforce- 
ments that  never  came,  the  War  Department  author- 
ities at  Washington  were  again  tampering  with  the 
organization  of  the  army.  The  corps  of  McDowell, 
Banks  and  Fremont,  and  the  garrison  of  Washing- 
ton, which  had  been  detached  from  McClellan's 
command,  were  organized  into  the  "  Army  of  Vir- 
ginia," and  placed  under  command  of  Major  General 
John  Pope,  who  signalized  his  incapacity  for  such 
duty  by  boastfully  proclaiming  in  general  orders, 
that  the  securing  of  "  bases  of  operations "  and 
"  lines  of  retreat "  should  be  left  to  the  enemy. 
The  enemy  promptly  secured  Pope's.  To  cap  the 
climax  of  blundering,  if  not  absolutely  criminal 
stupidity,  Major  General  Henry  W.  Hal  leek,  who 
had  never  marshaled  even  a  squad  in  the  field,  was 
called  to  Washington  as  General-in-Chief  of  the 
Armies  of  the  United  States.  Stanton  thus  became 
strongh^  reinforced  in  the  carrying  out  of  his  system 
of  undoing,  and  heartily  did  Halleck  and  Pope  re- 
spond to  all  calls  he  made  upon  them  to  aid  him  in 


64  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

that  direction.  All  military  maxims  were  disre- 
garded, and  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  recalled 
from  the  line  of  the  James. 

That  frightful  blunder  was  immediately  taken 
advantage  of  by  General  Lee,  who  made  a  bold 
move  to  reach  Washington  by  turning  its  right 
flank.  On  the  second  of  August,  1862,  General  Hal- 
leck  issued  orders  for  the  recall  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  and  on  the  ninth  of  that  month  General 
"  Stonewall  "  Jackson's  advance  of  Lee's  army  had 
crossed  the  Rapidan  and  encountered  Banks  at  Cedar 
Mountain.  Battle  after  battle  followed  until  they 
culminated  in  the  disgraceful  overthrow  of  Pope  at 
the  very  gates  of  the  Capital.     • 

Lee  thus  cleared  his  line  of  communications  so 
that  his  march  through  the  Shenandoah  into  the 
Cumberland  Yalley  should  be  unimpeded. 

The  danger  to  the  Capital  was  imminent,  and  the 
Government  and  the  people  were  thoroughly  and 
completely  aroused.  By  the  orders  of  Stanton  and 
Halleck,  McClellan  had  been  despoiled  of  all  com- 
mand, but  when  dismay  spread  its  dark  mantle  over 
Washington,  President  Lincoln  telegraphed  him,  "I 
beg  of  you  to  assist  me  in  this  crisis,  with  your 
ability  and  experience.  I  am  entirely  tired  out." 
And  to  the  utter  discomfiture  of  Stanton  and  Chase, 


Bull  Bun  to  Antietam.  ()5 

who  would  have  preferred  the  surrender  of  Wash- 
ington to  accepting  its  safety  at  the  hands  of  Mc- 
Clellau,  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  army  for  the 
defense  of  Washington. 

On  the  11th  of  September  Longstreet's  corps  of 
Lee's  army  was  occupying  Hagerstown  and  vicinity. 

McClellan,  having  hastily  reorganized  the  army, 
cautiously  followed,  covering  Washington  as  he 
progressed. 

The  J^orth  was  now  aroused,  and  political  in- 
trigue and  schemes  of  personal  advancement  had  to 
be  dropped  for  the  time  being. 

Pennsylvania,  which  w^as  threatened  with  the 
horrors  and  devastation  of  war,  made  strenuous  ef- 
forts to  resist  invasion.  Governor  Curtin's  call  upon 
the  people  was  responded  to  w^ith  alacrity,  and  soon 
a  large  army  was  gathering  on  the  banks  of  the 
Susquehanna.  This  army  w^as  composed  principally 
of  the  militia.  It  is  somewhat  customary  to  smile 
w^hen  the  militia  are  mentioned  in  connection  with 
actual  war,  but  the  fact  cannot  be  truthfully  contra- 
dicted that  whenever  the  militia  were  called  out 
they  always  filled  the  part  they  were  called  upon  to 
act. 

At  that  time  Governor  Curtin,  having  been  ap- 
prised in  advance  that  Pennsylvania  must  look  out 


66  Notes  on  the  Civil   Wa7\ 

for  itself,  made  the  most  complete  arrangements  for 
the  State's  defense.  He  summoned  the  militia  of 
the  Commonwealth  to  gather  at  the  border,  and 
there  await  his  arrivah 

*'  Then  marched  the  brave  from  rocky  steep, 
From  mountain  river  swift  and  cold  ; 
The  borders  of  the  stormy  deep, 
The  vales  where  gathered  waters  sleep, 
Sent  up  the  strong  and  bold." 

They  gathered,  and  I  can  see  them  now  with  their 
bright  guns  flashing  in  the  September  sunlight ; 
their  fresh  blouses  with  shining  buttons;  their  can- 
teens overflowing  with  the  cool  waters  of  the  Cono- 
cocheague,  and  their  haversacks  filled  with  mtions. 
They  w^ere  a  fine  sight  to  behold  as  their  lines  were 
formed  in  field  and  wood.  Some  of  them  were  im- 
bued with  State  pride  and  citizen  duty  to  such  a 
high  degree  that  they  hesitated  in  crossing  the 
border  for  fear  that  it  would  be  doing  an  unconstitu- 
tional act  1  This  fact  coming  to  the  knowledge  of 
Curtin  how^  grand  he  looked  and  how  magical  the 
effect  when  he  appeared  before  the  doubting  ones 
and  informed  them  that  the  border  line  was  only  an 
imaginary  one,  and  assured  them  that  wherever 
Pennsylvania  troops  would  follow,  there  Pennsyl- 
vania's   Governor    w^ould  lead.      So    it    was    that. 


Bull  Run  to  Antietam,  67 

with  all  the  "  pride,  pomp  and  circumstance  of 
glorious  war,"  with  drums  beating  and  banners  wav- 
ing, they  bravely  crossed  the  border.  The  column 
marched,  and  in  good  time  arrived  at  Hagerstown, 
where  its  Chief  established  his  headquarters.  It 
then  moved  out  the  Williamsport  road,  along  which 
it  was  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  to  meet  a  portion 
of  the  enemy  advancing  on  its  front.  The  position 
was  one  of  great  responsibility  and  full  of  danger, 
and  had  it  not  been  filled  by  the  militia  it  would 
have  been  necessary  to  fill  it  from  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,  then  engaged  with  Lee's  main  forces. 
Therefore,  although  not  in  the  battle  of  Antietam 
with  its  shifting  scenes  of  successes  and  defeats,  its 
carnage  and  its  glories,  the  Pennsylvania  militia  are 
entitled  to  great  praise  for  assisting  in  bringing 
about  its  results. 

On  the  13th  of  September  Longstreet's  corps  of 
Lee's  army  was  at  Hagerstown,  his  advance  having 
reached  there  on  the  lltli.  Hill  was  at  the  base  of 
South  Mountain,  and  Jackson  was  investing  Harper's 
Ferry.  General  McClellan's  headquarters  were  at 
Frederick. 

McClellan  had  a  three- fold  duty  to  perform:  to 
punish  Lee,  cover  Washington,  and  to  relieve  the 
garrison  at  Harper's  Ferry.     This  latter  duty  should 


68  Notes  on  the  Civil  War.  ■ 

not  have  been  imposed  upon  him,  as  it  weakened  his 
ability  to  perform  the  other  duties.  Harper's  Ferry 
was  of  no  strategic  importance,  and  the  attempt  to 
hold  it  Avas  only  to  insure  the  loss  of  its  garrison. 
^IcClellan  advised  its  abandonment  and  the  transfer 
of  the  troops  there  to  his  command.  But  as  usual, 
it  was  only  for  McClellan  to  suggest  a  proper  move- 
ment to  cause  the  War  Department  to  frustrate  its 
accomplishment ;  so  it  was  that  not  until  September 
12th,  that  the  command  at  Harper's  Ferry  was 
placed  under  McClellan,  contingent  upon  his  opening 
communication  with  Miles.  Jackson's  rapid  move- 
ments to  capture  Miles  had  cut  off  communication 
with  the  latter,  and  it  was  only  after  this  became  an 
ascertained  fact  that  Halleck  placed  Miles  under 
McClellan's  orders,  subject  to  the  first  mentioned 
contingency.  McClellan  saw  the  impending  disaster 
to  Miles  and  tried  to  avert  it,  but  the  authority  given 
him  in  the  premises  came  too  late,  as  subsequent 
events  proved.  McClellan  now  pushed  forward  rap- 
idly, and  on  Sunday  morning  encountered  Hill  at 
the  Boonsborough  pass  of  the  South  Mountain.  Hill 
made  a  gallant  stand,  and  was  reinforced  during  the 
afternoon  from  Longstreet's  corps.  The  action  was 
a  bloody  one,  and  while  the  pseans  of  victory  went 
to  McClellan,  Hill  accomplished   a  great  result  in 


Bull  Run  to  Aniietam.        x  ^x       ^     -^"i^ 

detaining  McClellan  long  enough  to  allow  Ja(^*;^n       If 
to  accomplish  the  entire  discomliture  of  Miles,  fOf^^  y  <?0^ 
the   next  morning   that  unfortmiate  officer  surren-    ^^        ^ 
dered  12,520  men,  with  all  the  stores  and  munitions 
of  w^ar  at  Harper's  Ferry,  to  Jackson. 

Jackson  was  thus  enabled  to  form  a  junction  with 
Lee  and  to  enter  battle  with  his  troops  enthused  by 
their  victory,  wdiile  McClellan  was  handicapped  by 
being  deprived  of  the  moral  and  material  support  of 
over  twelve  thousand  additional  troops  that  he 
should  have  had  with  him  when  the  two  great 
armies  clashed  in  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  An- 
tietam. 

On  the  15th  of  September  McClellan  continued  his 
march,  and  late  in  the  afternoon  came  up  with  the 
enemy  near  Sharpsburg  ;  but  he  had  not  sufficient 
force  at  that  time  to  warrant  an  attack.  On  the 
16th  a  fog  prevailed,  and  the  day  was  devoted  by  the 
gallant  antagonists  in  concentrating  their  forces, 
strengthening  their  lines  and  manceuvering  for  posi- 
tion preparatory  to  the  deadly  fray  so  close  at  hand. 
Artillery  firing  was  kept  up  throughout  the  daj^ 
and  late  in  the  afternoon  Mead's  Division,  composed 
of  Pennsylvania  Reserves,  supported  by  other  divi- 
sions of  Hooker's  corps,  engaged  the  enemy  in  a 
sharp  and  bloody  conflict  to  which  darkness  put  a 
stop. 


70  Notes  on  the  Civil  War^ 

The  17th  opened  beautifiillj^,  with  all  the  splendor 
oi'  a  September  sun  reflecting  its  rays  over  the  scene. 
As  the  sunlight  broke  OA^er  the  contending  forces 
rostino^  on  their  arms  or  marchinor  towards  the 
chosen  ground,  the  great  battle  of  Antietam  was  be- 
gun at  the  skirmish  line  of  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
serves. Soon  after  regiment  upon  regiment,  brigade 
upon  brigade,  division  upon  division,  and  corps  upon 
corps,  were  thrown  into  action,  until  not  less  than 
one  hundred  thousand  men  shared  in  the  glories  or 
suftered  in  the  disasters  of  the  stubborn  conflict. 
From  the  time  of  the  flrst  firino;  in  the  morninor 
until  night  threw  its  mantle  over  the  smoke  of  the 
fleld  the  battle  raged  with  terrific  fury,  and  hope 
and  fear  alternated  in  the  breasts  of  contendins;  sides. 
Heroism,  patriotism  and  valor  wrote  their  names  on 
history's  page  all  over  the  sanguinary  field  which 
was  strewn  with  nearly  twenty-one  thousand  dead 
and  wounded  men — 3,620  dead  bodies,  and  17,365 
wounded  men  attested  to  the  fierceness  of  the 
struggle.  I^either  army  could  claim  a  victory  in  the 
fight,  neither  was  in  a  condition  to  renew  the  battle 
next  day,  but  the  prestige  went  to  McClellan,  be- 
cause he  retained  possession  of  the  field.  The  results, 
however,  were  of  great  importance  to  the  Govern- 
ment. Washington  was  now  safe  from  attack, 
and  Pennsylvania  relieved  from  threatened  invasion. 


Bull  Bun  to  Antietam.  71 

The  reverberations  of  McClellan's  guns  at  Antie- 
tam acclaiming  the  safety  of  Washington  had  not 
died  upon  the  air  before  the  enemy  in  the  rear,  re- 
lieved of  its  fears,  again  set  in  motion  their  system 
of  policy  of  undoing,  and  it  was  not  long  before  Mc- 
Clellan's military  career  came  to  an  end  through 
their  intrigues.  Antietam  closed  the  first  chapter  in 
the  history  of  the  war.  Patriotism  had  thus  far 
triumphed,  but  from  the  hour  that  Lee  re-crossed  the 
Potomac,  it  was  placed  under  a  cloud,  and  partisan- 
ship to  a  greater  or  less  extent  controlled  the  course 
of  subsequent  events.  Although  patriotism  was 
deeply  imbedded  in  the  hearts  of  the  army  and  the 
people,  it  was  at  very  low  ebb  in  public  places.  A 
new  party  had  come  into  power,  and  its  followers 
were  not  only  clamorous  for  the  offices,  but  they 
adopted  every  possible  measure  to  perpetuate  their 
hold  on  public  place,  and  to  put  in  the  background 
all  those  who  did  not  vote  with  them  at  the  polls. 
No  matter  how  patriotic  the  citizen,  how  great  were 
his  services  and  sacrifices  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union,  if  he  did  not  at  once  bow  his  head  to  the  de- 
crees of  a  partisan  caucus  he  was  hounded  by  the 
})arty  organ  and  the  petty  politician  and  ostracised 
from  participation  in  public  affairs.  There  was  con- 
siderable presidential  timber  in  the  Cabinet  which 


72  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

was  more  or  less  influenced  in  public  action  by  party 
clamor.  From  these  causes  sprung  a  spirit  of  intol- 
ei'ance  and  intrigue,  which,  in  view  of  the  critical 
condition  the  Government  found  itself  in,  was  akin 
to  treason,  that  resulted  in  prolonging  the  war  at  a 
fearful  expense  of  precious  life  and  a  vast  amount  of 
treasure.  Of  party  men,  however,  there  were  a  few 
who  were  imbued  with  such  broad  patriotism  that 
ttiey  tried  to  turn  back  the  tide  of  intolerance,  and 
to  some  extent  succeeded.  Among  their  number 
was  Simon  Cameron.  I  well  remember  the  morn- 
ing, in  the  Secretary  of  War's  office,  when  Senator 
King,  of  I^ew  York,  came  in  and  reproached  Mr. 
Cameron  for  appointing  Democrats  to  positions  in 
the  army,  and  Mr.  Cameron's  reply :  "  Senator  this 
is  not  a  war  for  party,  it  is  for  the  country,  and  I  am 
with  all  those  who  are  for  the  latter."  Mr.  Cameron 
never  departed  from  this  broad  standard  of  patriot- 
ism while  he  remained  in  public  life.  Mr.  Lincoln 
did  not  partake  of  the  s]3irit  of  intolerance,  but  the 
radical  and  intolerant  wing  of  his  party  were  in  the 
majority  both  in  Congress  and  in  his  Cabinet,  and 
he  was  forced  at  times  by  the  circumstances  sur- 
rounding him  to  tolerate  what  he  abhorred. 

The  train  containing  the  special  ammunition  tele- 
graphed for  by  General  McClellan,  while  the  battle 


Ball  Run  to  Antietam.  73 

of  Antietam  was  pending,  was  ready  at  the  Wash- 
in  o-ton  Arsenal  at  1  a.  m.,  of  September  18,  1862. 
Why  it  did  not  reach  the  N'orthern  Central  Railway 
at  Baltimore  until  after  7  o'clock  that  morning  has 
always  been  more  or  less  of  a  mystery. 

The  train  consisted  of  an  engine,  tender  and  four 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  cars,  in  the  custody  of  Lieutenant 
Bradford,  of  the  Ordnance  Department.  It  left 
Baltimore  over  the  I^orthern  Central  Railway,  at 
7:27  a.  m.,  and  moving  under  the  personal  supervision 
of  Joseph  ]Sr.  DuBarry,  the  General  Superintendent 
of  that  road,  reached  Bridgeport  and  was  delivered 
to  the  Cumberland  Valley  Railroad  at  10:20  a.  m. 
The  run,  84  miles,  was  made  in  two  hours  and  fifty- 
three  minutes,  or  an  average  of  one  mile  in  two  min- 
utes and  three  and  four-sevenths  seconds,  or  an 
equivalent  of  nearly  thirty  miles  per  hour. 

The  train  w^as  detained  at  Bridgeport  twenty-four 
minutes,  taking  on  an  additional  car  of  ammunition, 
which  had  been  loaded  at  Harrisburg  from  the  Penn- 
s^dvania  State  Arsenal,  and  in  cooling  otf  the  journal 
boxes  of  the  four  cars.  Leaving  Bridgeport  at  10:44 
a.  m.,  it  arrived  at  Chambersburg  at  12  m.,  and  at 
Ilagerstown  at  12:42  p.  m.,  making  the  run  over  the 
Cumberland  Valley  Railroad,  a  distance  of  seventy- 
four  miles,  in  one  hour  and  fifty-eight  minutes,  or  an 


74  JSotes  on  the  Civil   War. 

average  of  one  mile  in  one  minute  thirty  and  six- 
seventh  seconds,  an  equivalent  of  over  thirty-seven 
miles  an  hour.  The  running  time  was  faster  than 
this,  for  ten  minutes  were  lost  at  each,  jSTewville  aitd 
Chambersburg,  in  cooling  off  the  boxes ;  deducting 
the  stops,  the  speed  of  the  train  reached  forty-five 
miles  23er  hour.  Such  running  was  never  experienced 
on  the  Cumberland  Yalley  Railroad  before,  and  has 
not  been  equaled  since.  When  the  train  entered 
Hagerstown  all  the  journal  boxes  on  the  four  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  cars  were  ablaze ;  of  this  fact  I  was 
an  eye  witness. 

The  actual  runnino-  time  from  Baltimore  to  Hao;ers- 
town,  a  distance  of  158  miles,  was  four  hours  and 
thirty-one  minutes,  or  thirt^'-six  and  nine-tenth  miles 
per  hour.  Perhaps  there  is  not  another  instance  in 
the  history  of  the  world  where  ammunition  has  been 
moved  such  a  distance  Avith  so  much  rapidity,  and 
in  the  face  of  smoking  and  blazing  journal  boxes  on 
the  vehicles  carrying  it. 

Had  this  ammunition,  which  was  ready  at  the 
Washington  Arsenal,  at  1  o'clock  a.  ra.,  been  moved 
at  a  relative  speed  to  Baltimore  that  it  was  moved 
from  Baltimore  to  Hagerstown,  it  would  have  reached 
destination  at  7:20  a.  m.,  on  the  morning  after  the 
battle  of  Antietam  and  been  of  some  avail  to  Mc- 
Clellan  that  dav. 


Bull  Run  to  Antietam.  76 

Following  are  copies  of  telegrams  relative  to  the 
movement : 

''Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac,  ) 
September  17,  1862,  1:20  p.  m.       f 

"  Major   General  Halleck^  General  in    Chiefs   Wash- 
ington : 

"  Please  take  military  possession  of  the  Chambers- 
burs:  and  Hao-erstown  railroad  that  our  ammunition 
and  supplies  may  be  hurried  up  without  delay.  We 
are  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  battle  of  the  war, 
perhaps  of  history.  Thus  far  it  looks  well,  but  I 
have  great  odds  against  me.  Hurry  up  all  the 
troops  possible  ;  our  loss  has  been  terrific,  but  we 
have  o-ained  much  g-round.  I  have  thrown  the  mass 
of  the  army  on  the  left  flank.  Burnsides  is  now 
attacking  the  right,  and  I  hold  my  small  reserve, 
consisting  of  Porter's  (Fifth)  Corps,  ready  to  attack 
the  centre  as  soon  as  the  flank  movements  are  de- 
veloped. I  hope  that  God  will  give  us  a  glorious 
victory. 

[Signed]  "Geo.  13.  McClellan, 

"  Major  General  Commanding^' 

The  despatch  of  which  the  above  is  a  copy  I  re- 
ceived from  an  orderly  of  Gen.  McClellan  on  the 
road  between  Boonsboro  and  Hagerstown,  took  it 
into  Hagerstown  and  wired  it  to  Washington  via 
Harrisburg,  about  4:30  p.  m. 


76  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

"Headquarters  Army  of  the  Potomac,  ) 
September  17,  1862.  f 

"  Brigadier  General  Ripley^  Chief  of  Ordnance^  TVasA- 
ingfon,  D.  C: 

"If  you  can  possiblj^  do  it,  force  some  twenty- 
pounder  Parrott  ammunition  througli  to-night  via 
Hagerstown  and  Chambersburg,  to  us,  near  Sharps- 
burg,  Maryland. 

[Signed]  "Geo.  B.  McClellan, 

"  Major  General  CoramandingJ^ 

The  desjDatch  of  which  the  above  is  a  copy  was 
received  by  me  at  dusk,  and  wired  b}^  me  to  Harris- 
burg  for  Washington  at  once.  It  did  not,  however, 
reach  the  latter  city  until  10  p.  m. 

"Hagerstown,  Md.,  ] 

September  17, 1862,  9:30  p.  m.  \ 

"  Brigadier  General  Ripley^  Washington^  D.  C. : 

"  General  McClellan  desires  that  duplicate  ammu- 
nition be  sent,  one  part  to  Hagerstown  and  the  other 
to  Frederick — twenty-pounder  Parrott,  ten-pounder 
Parrott,  twelve-pounder  ^Napoleon  and  thirty-two 
pounder  Howitzer  ammunition,  and  small  arm  am- 
munition except  .54,  .58,  .69  and  .57;  Sharp's  am- 
munition and  pistol  ammunition. 

"I^.    B.    SWEITZER, 

'-'-  Lieutenant  Colonel  and  A.  D.  C." 
Sent  telegram  of  which  above  is  a  copy  at  hour 


Ball  Ban  to  Antietam.  ^x     ^  ^^% 

indicated  via  Harrisburg.     Its  receipt  ackno^^ged'/^      M*^ 
at  AYashington  at  10  p.  m.  '^.^K     v9/^ 

"  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C,  |        ^  ^ 
September,  17,  1862.  j 

"  General  McClellan,  near  Ilagerstown^  Md. : 

"  Telegram  received.  A  special  train  will  soon 
leave  with  the  twentj^-pounder  ammunition  asked 
for.  It  will  go  in  charge  of  an  ordnance  officer,  and 
will  be  in  Ha2:erstown  to-morrow  mornino^.  Other 
ammunition  will  follow  to  Frederick  and  IIa2:ers- 
town  as  soon  as  possible. 

[Signed]  "Jas.  W.  Ripley, 

"  Brigadier  General^  Chief  of  OrdmanceJ'' 

"War  Department,  WASiiiNaTON,  D.  C,  | 
September  17,  1862.  \ 

^'■John  W.  Garrett,  Esq.,  President  B.  and  0.  B.  i?., 

Baltimore,  Md. : 

"  AV^e  are  making  up  a  train,  to  consist  of  a  loco- 
motive and  one  baggage  car,  loaded  with  ammuni- 
tion which  General  McClellan  wants  in  the  morning 
loaded  at  Hagerstown,  if  possible.  This  train  must 
have  the  right  of  way  on  the  entire  route,  and  must 
be  run  as  fast  as  any  express  passenger  train  could 
be  run.  It  will  be  ready  to  start  in  two  or  three 
hours  from  this  time.  Can  you  make  the  necessary 
arrangements  to  push  it  through  via  Ilarrisburg  ? 

[Signed]  "P.  H.  Watson, 

'■^Assistant  Secretary  of  War.^^ 


78  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

Baltimore,  Md.,  September  17,  1862. 

"  Hon,   P.  H.    Watson^  Assistant  Secretary  of  War^ 
Washington^  D.  C: 

"  We  make  arrangements  to  forward  the  number 
of  cars  stated,  without  delay.  Will  send  through 
Northern  Central  road,  and  we  at  once  advise  that 
company  to  make  all  necessary  preparations  to  trans- 
port to  Hagerstown  as  speedily  as  possible. 

[Signed]  "J.  W.  Garrett, 

"  President.''' 

"12  p.  m..  War  Department,  Washi.vgtgx,  ] 

D.  C,  September  17,  1862.       f 

*'  To  the  Officers  or  Any  of  Them  of  the  Northern  Cen- 
tral Railroad^  Pennsylvania  Central  Railroad,  and 
Cumberland   Valley  Railroad  at  Harrisburg.,  Pa.  : 

••'  An  ammunition  train  will  leave  here  about  1 
o'clock  a.  m.  for  Hagerstown  via  Harrisburg,  to  be 
run  through  at  the  fastest  possible  speed  so  as  to 
reach  its  destination  to-morrow  morning  earl}-.  It 
must  have  the  right  of  way  throughout,  as  General 
McClellan  needs  the  ammunition  to  be  used  in  the 
battle  to  be  fought  to-morrow.  It  is  expected  you 
will  use  every  possible  effort  to  expedite  the  passing 
of  this  train. 

"  By  order  of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

[Signed]  "  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 

'•^Secretary  of  IFar." 


Bull  liitn  to  Avtidarn.  79 

''  War  Department,  12  p.  m.,      ) 
Washington,  D.  C,  September  18,  1862.  f 

"  Hon.  Thomas  A.  Scott^  Harrisbarg : 

"  I  have  telegraphed  to  the  officers  of  the  North- 
ern Central  and  of  the  Cumberland  Valley  Railroads 
to  expedite  a  train  loaded  with  ammunition,  of 
which  General  McClellan  is  in  great  need,  and  for 
which  he  telegraphed  since  10  o'clock  p.  m.  We 
start  the  train  in  about  one  hour.  If  we  could  have 
the  assurance  that  you  would  attend  personally  to  se- 
curing the  right  of  way  for  the  train  and  otherwise 
expediting  its  passage,  we  should  have  strong  hope 
that  it  would  reach  its  destination  early  in  the  morn- 
ing—in time  for  the  ammunition  to  be  used  in  the 
expected  battle  to-morrow.  At  all  events  we  should 
know  that  nothins;  would  be  left  undone  within  the 
limits  of  possibilities  to  get  this  ammunition  to 
General  McClellan  in  season. 

[Signed]  "  P.  H.  Watson, 

"  Assistant  Secretary  of  War.'' 

'' Harrisburg,  Pa.,  Sept.  18,  1862,  1:40  a.  m. 
"P.  H.  Watson^  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.  : 
"I  will  see  the  officers  in  person.  No  delay  shall 
occur  that  it  is  possible  to  avoid.  Can  you  give  me 
an  idea  of  the  number  of  cars  in  train,  so  that  suit- 
able power  can  be  ready  to  move  it  ?  Answer  imme- 
diately. 

[Signed]  "Thomas  A.  Scott." 


80  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

"  Washington,  September  18, 1862. 
"  Hon.  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Harrishiirg,  Pa. : 
"  The  train  contains  four  cars. 
[Signed]  ''  P.  H.  Watsox, 

'-''Assistant  Secretarij  of  TFar." 

"IIakkisburg,  Pa.,  September  18,  1862,  2  a.  m. 
'•^  Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington, 
B.  C: 
"No  eiiorts  shall  be  spared  to  expedite  movements 
of  train.  I  have  already  advised  officers  of  all  the 
roads  to  push  it  through  with  preference  over  all 
other  trains. 

[Signed]  "  Thomas  A.  Scott." 

"Harrisburg,  P^.,  September  18, 1862,  8  a.  m. 
''''Hon.  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secirtary  of  War,  Washington, 
JD.  a  : 

''The  extra  ammunition  train  had  not  reached 
Baltimore  at  7  o'clock.  Is  it  coming?  We  have 
about  six  car  loads  of  six-pounder  artillery,  and  some 
musket  ammunition,  which  I  am  nov/  loading  up, 
and  will  forvv^ard  it  up  the  valley  if  the  other  cannot 
reach  here.  We  had  arrangements  perfected  through 
to  move  the  train  forty  miles  per  hour. 

[Signed]  "Thomas  A.  Scott." 

"Harrisburg,  Pa.,  September  18, 1862. 
"^.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C: 
"  The   ammunition  train   for  General   McClellan 
was  delivered  to  the  Northern  Central  Railroad,  at 


Bull  Ran  to  Antldam.  81 

Baltimore,  at  7:^7  this  a.  m.,  and  was  delivered  to 
the  Cumberland  Valley  Railroad  at  10:20  a.  m.; 
eighty-four  miles — two  hours  and  fifty-three  minutes. 
It  will  he  put  through  at  the  same  speed  to  Hagers- 
town. 

[Signed]  "  J.  ^".  Du  Barry. 

^'•SaperiyUendeiiC'^ 

''Harrisburg,  Pa.,  September  18,  1862, 10  a.  m. 

"^.  M.  Stcmton^  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C: 

"  Ilagerstown  reports  no  firing  up  to  9  o'clock.  A 
rumor  is  prevalent  that  McClellan  granted  armistice 
to  bury  dead.  Your  ammunition  train  left  Balti- 
more 7:30  and  will  be  put  through  quick.  Governor 
and  staff  have  gone  to  Ilagerstown  to  expedite  move- 
ment of  Pennsylvania  forces  to  battle  field.  Surgeon 
Smith  also  gone  with  forty  surgeons. 

[Signed]  "  Thomas  A.  Scott." 

"  War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C.  ) 
September  18,  1862,  10  a.  m.       f 

''Major  General  G.  B.  McClellan,  Commanding  Head- 
quarters Army  of  Potomac,  near  Sharpsburg,  3Id.: 

"  Your  telegram  to  Genei'al  Ripley,  saying, '  If  you 
can  possibly  do  it  force  some  twenty-pounder  Parrott 
ammunition  through  to-night,  via  Ilagerstown  and 
Chambcrsburg,  to  us  near  Sharpsburg,  Md.,'  was 
received  between  10  and  11  o'clock  last  night,  and 
2,500  rounds  of  this  ammunition  was  ordered  with 
tlie  least  practicable  delay  from  the  arsenal,  and 
arrano^ements  made  to  run  it  throu2:h  on  all  the  roads 


82  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

at  express  passenger  speed.     It  is  now  near  Harris- 
burg,  Pa.,  and  will  reach  Ilagerstown  hy:  noon  to-da3\ 
[Signed]  "P.  H.  Watsox, 

^^ Assistant  Secretary  of  War.''' 

'>  Washington,  D.  C,  September  18,  1862. 

'•'■Major  General  George   B.  llcClellan^  near  Hagers- 
town^  Md. : 

"  Four  hundred  and  fourteen  wao^on  loads  of  field 
and  small-arm  ammunition  have  been  sent  to  Fred- 
erick for  your  army  since  Saturday  last.  Besides 
this,  the  duplicate  supplies  to  be  sent  to  Frederick 
and  Hagerstown  are  being  pushed  forward  with  all 
possible  despatch.  A  special  train,  containing  2,500 
rounds  of  twenty-pounder  ammunition,  left  last  night 
for  Hagerstown  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Bradford, 
Ordnance  Department. 

[Signed]  "  J  as.  W.  Ripley, 

^^ Brigadier  General.,  Chief  of  Ordnance.''^ 

"Harrisburg,  Pa.,      ) 
September  18,  1862,  2:30  p.  m.  j 

'-'•Hon.  E.  31.  Stanton^  See.  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C: 

"  Ammunition  has  been  delivered  at  Has-erstown. 
Stock  in  this  arsenal  has  gone  up  by  train  this  p.  m. 
The  Governor  ordered  more  ammunition  and  some 
arms  last  night.  They  are  needed.  Will  they  be 
sent?  Chief  of  Ordnance  telegraphs  Governor  that 
he  refers  it  to  you.     Please  answer. 

[Signed]  "Thomas  A.  Scott, 

"  Aid-de-Camp.'' 


YL 


A    TRIP    FROM    FREDERICK    CITY   TO    CHAMBERS- 
BURG,   AND   A  VIEW   OF   THE   LATTER'S 

DESOLATION. 


^1HE  bnriuiig  of  Cliambersburg,  on  Saturdaj^, 
—  July  30,  1864,  by  the  command  of  the  Con- 
federate General  McCausland,  composed  of  his  own 
brigade  of  mounted  infantry,  and  a  brigade  of  cav- 
a\ry  3,000  strong,  under  General  Bradley  T.  John- 
son, must  ever  remain  the  most  wanton,  brutal  act  of 
all  savage  acts  that  here  and  there  blot  the  fair  pages 
of  the  nineteenth  century's  history. 

Even  at  this  day,  after  a  quarter  of  a  century  ha.s 
elapsed,  I  cannot  allow  my  mind  to  rest  upon  it 
without  being  overcome  by  a  wave  of  indignation 
and  of  horror  at  the  act  itself,  and  a  loathing  for  its 
author. 

The  apology,  always  given  without  a  blush  of 
shame,  has  been  that  it  was  an  act  of  justifiable  re- 
taliation prompted  by  Hunter's  deeds  in  the  Shenan- 
doah Valley,  but  the  dwellings  that  Hunter  burned 
were  onl}^  those  that  sheltered  aixl  concealed  assas- 

(  88  ) 


84:  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

sins  who  laid  in  wait  and  fired  from  ambush,  while 
Chambersburg,  imfortiiiGd,  ungarrisoned,  had  com- 
mitted no  graver  offense  than  that  of  being  true  to 
the  Government,  and  of  sending  her  sons  to  manly 
warfare  in  the  open  field. 

If  it  was  retaliation  why  w^as  it  that,  like  the  de- 
mands of  that  notorious  Mexican  bandit,  Cortinas,  a 
demand  for  a  moneyed  ransom  preceded  the  burning F 
Eetaliation  forsooth  !  Jubal  Early,  thwarted  in  his 
designs  on  Baltimore  and  Washington,  planned  and 
ordered  the  burning  from  motives  in  which  plunder, 
hatred  and  revenge  did  not  play  an  inconsequent 
part. 

After  General  Lew  Wallace's  hurriedly-gathered 
and  undisciplined  command  was  defeated  on  the 
Monocacy  by  Early,  I  was  making  observations  on 
the  Potomac,  from  whence,  on  the  29th  of  July,  a 
teleo'ram  from  Governor  Curtin  called  me  into  Fred- 
erick  G\iy.  There  I  was  instructed  by  the  Governor, 
through  the  medium  of  the  telegraph,  that,  as  the 
enemy  were  threatening  a  raid  on  Pennsylvania,  I 
should  return  at  once  to  the  border  to  observe  move- 
ments and  report  to  him. 

Frederick  City  was  at  the  time  in  a  ferment  of  ex- 
citement over  the  probability  of  its  being  again  vis- 
ited by  Early,  and,  in  consequence,  it  was  with  ex- 


Frederick  City  to  Chamhersharg.  85 

treme  difficulty  that  I  could  obtain  a  convej^ance  to 
carry  me  on  iny  way.  However,  after  a  number  of 
attempts,  I  succeeded  in  employing  a  man,  who, 
tempted  by  a  ten-dollar  bill,  agreed  to  drive  me  to 
Emmitsburg,  a  distance  of  about  twenty-three  miles. 

As  w^e  drove  along  the  road  my  driver  soon  began 
to  show  signs  of  nervousness,  which  were  in  no  sense 
lessened  by  the  tales  of  refugees  fleeing  towards 
Frederick  and  from  before  a  supposed  foe.  At  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  when  ten  miles  out,  the 
driver's  nervousness  had  deo'enerated  into  absolute 
fear,  and  stopping  the  horse  he  deliberate!}^,  and 
without  the  least  ceremony,  threw  me  out  of  the 
buggy  on  to  the  roadside,  and  then  drove  back  over 
the  road  we  had  just  come  as  if  all  the  hates  and 
furies  were  on  his  trail.  Although  put  out  mentally, 
as  well  as  bodily,  I  was  thankful  for  that  ten  miles' 
ride,  even  if  it  had  been  at  the  expense  of  one  dollar 
per  mile,  and  of  a  sudden  introduction  to  Mother 
Earth. 

The  prospect  before  me  was  not  the  most  encour- 
aging, but  with  youth  and  health,  a  love  of  adven- 
ture and  a  desire  to  be  of  service  to  my  country,  I 
took  up  with  some  complacency  the  long  and  soli- 
tary march  that  laid  before  me.  My  every  sense 
was  keenly  aliv^e  and  acutely  exercised,  for  I  momen- 


86  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

tarily  expected  to  see  the  enemy  approaching.  At 
the  few  farm  houses  I  entered  to  obtain  information 
I  was  assured,  with  marked  positiveness,  that  the 
enemy  was  only  two  miles  in  my  advance,  and  as 
I  continued  trudging  along  every  now  and  then 
sounds  of  horses'  hoofs  on  the  road  would  drive  me 
to  the  cover  of  fence  corners  or  bushes,  only  to  dis- 
cover that  the  supposed  foe  was  nothing  more 
than  frightened  owners  hurrying  their  horses  to 
a  place  of  safety.  [N'either  the  darkness  of  the  night 
nor  the  discomforts  of  a  heavy  shower  deterred  my 
march,  and  towards  midnight  I  was  passing  over 
the  ground  where  a  year  before  the  heroic  Meade, 
backed  by  the  grand  old  Army  of  the  Potomac,  had 
driven  ofi  of  Penhsjdvania  soil  General  Lee  and  his 
splendid  Army  of  Northern  Virginia.  The  very 
ground  seemed  suggestive  to  me  of  strength,  and  I 
entered  the  now  historic  town  of  Gettysburg,  buoyed 
up  with  hope  and  patriotism,  only  to  find  the  same 
alarm  existing  that  had  existed  at  Frederick  and 
along  the  road  I  had  just  traveled.  Knowing  the 
necessity  for  a  little  rest  I  threw  myself  upon  the 
floor  of  a  lawyer's  office  and  took  a  two  hours'  nap. 
Awakening  refreshed,  and,  making  preparations  for 
a  continued  walk,  I  was  greatly  relieved  by  a  patri- 
otic citizen  volunteering  to  drive  me  towards   the 


Frederick  City  to  Chamber sbiirg.  87 

mountains,  and  in  the  direction  of  Chambersburg. 
A  drive  of  some  miles  put  me  well  on  my  way  when, 
after  bidding  my  kind  friend  good  bye,  I  resumed 
my  lonely  march.  As  I  passed  down  the  mountains, 
the  lurid  flames  shooting  far  up  into  the  heavens, 
and  the  -clouds  of  dense  smoke  flying  over  the  beau- 
tiful Cumberland  Valley,  told  me  only  too  plainly 
that  a  great  calamity  had  fallen  upon  the  people  of 
Chambersburg.  The  story  of  its  nature  and  extent 
was  borne  to  my  ears  by  horror-stricken  victims  be- 
fore I  reached  the  town. 

The  afternoon's  sun  was  advancing  as  I  entered 
the  town  limits.  The  vandal's  work  had  been  done, 
and  the  vandal  flown,  but,  oh !  such  distress,  such 
desolation  may  God  never  again  present  to  my  sight. 
As  I  viewed  the  scene  I  grew  heart-sick,  and  tears 
unbidden  came  as  the  once  happy  homes  were  un- 
folded as  smouldering  ruins,  and  their  owners  as 
wanderers  with  no  possessions  but  what  they 
bore  upon  their  persons.  People  were  wandering 
listlessly  among  the  ruins  without  permitting  a 
murmur  to  break  upon  the  ear.  This  quietness 
was  not,  however,  a  quietness  produced  by  the  agony 
of  despair,  for  all  seemed  to  breathe  the  prayer  of 
thankfulness  that  the  family  circle  was  complete. 

The  scene  was  beyond   the  power  of  pen  or  the 


88  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

vividness  of  the  imao^inatlon — iDdescribable.  JN^oiie 
but  a  fiend,  or  General  Earlj,  could  have  witnessed 
it  unmoved.  It  seems  horrible  to  even  contemplate 
such  complete  ruin  befalling  a  town  inhabited  by  a 
God-loving  people.  Picture  to  yourself  a  com- 
munitj^  in  full  health  and  prosperity  awakening  on 
a  bright  July  morning  and  sitting  around  the  famih^ 
boards  to  partake,  in  thankfulness,  of  its  morning 
meal,  and  as  its  members  talked  over  their  plans  for 
the  day,  to  be  suddenly  and  ruthlessly  torn  from 
their  tables,  to  have  their  houses  fired  over  their 
heads,  themselves  driven  out  on  to  the  highways 
and  byways  homeless,  almost  penniless,  fugitives; 
and  as  they  hurriedly  passed  over  familiar  streets, 
seeking  for  personal  safety,  their  lives  imperiled  at 
every  step  b}^  flying  embers  and  falling  walls,  their 
ears  deafened  by  the  fierce,  crackling  flames,  their 
throats  filled  with  suffocating  smoke  and  their  flesh 
scorched  by  the  merciless  heat.  If  you  can  imagine 
the  horrors  and  miseries  of  such  a  situation  you  can 
then  form  a  faint  idea  of  the  surroundings  of  the 
Chambersburg  people  that  day.  And  yet  amidst  all 
this,  and  while  standing  surrounded  by  the  black- 
ened ruins  of  their  former  beautiful  town,  these 
people  with  an  exiilted  moral  heroism,  the  outcome  of 
the  teachings  of  Calvin  and  of  Luther,  were  talking 


v>  <^    <$b 

Frederick  Citu  to  Chamber sh urn.         ^J^^O^    ^ 

of  issuina;  a  circular  to  the  Union  commanders  in  th©  >-.    ^py. 
field  imploring  them  to  respect  private  property,  to      ^J\  vx, 
protect  the  women  and  children,  and  not  to  visit         * 
upon  any   Southern   community  such  suiFerings  as 
theirs.     Is  it  a  matter  of  wonder  that  with   such 
Christian  charity  at  such  a  time  that  the  community 
so  suffering  should  have  arisen  from  its  ashes,  as  it 
has,  like  a  new  Phoenix,  better,  more  beautiful,  more 
prosperous  than  before,  and  that  the  author  of  its 
woes  still  lin2:ers  on  the  stas^e  of  life  an  exile  in  his 
native  land? 


Til. 

THE  RAILROAD  IX  WAR  TIMES. 

THERE  is  inherent  in  the  American  ehamcter  a 
prejudice  against  corpomtions,  which,  at  inter- 
vals, displays  itself  in  the  shape  of  bitter  complaints 
or  noisy  clamors.  Whenever  the  interests  of  the 
corporation  conflict  with  those  of  an  individual  or  a 
class,  these  displays  are  sure  to  occur.  On  frequent 
occasions  of  their  occurrence  they  are  accompanied 
by  very  pronounced  intemperance  of  language,  and 
with  a  total  disregard  of  the  merits  of  the  question 
at  issue. 

The  reasons  for  this  manifest  injustice  are  to  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  prejudice  is  but  a  natural 
outgrowth  of  a  democratic  form  of  government,  and 
emanates  from  the  innate  spirit  of  opposition  of  the 
people  forming  such  a  government  to  any  idea  which 
is  suggestive  of  centralized  power. 

The  masses  of  the  people  cannot  guard  with  a  too 
jealous  strictness  their  rights  as  well  against  encroach- 
ments of  corporate  wealth  as  against  the  unhealthy 
ambitions  of  partisan  leaders.     At  tte  same  time 

(90) 


The  Hailroad  in    War   Times.  91 

they  should  not  forget  that  corporate  wealth  gives 
the  impetus  to  a,ll  kinds  of  business  which  Insures 
that  development  to  a  country  that  the  individual 
has  not  the  power  to  produce,  and  that  renders  pos- 
sible the  largest  meed  to  follow  individual  activity, 
out  of  which  always  emerges  enlarged  fields  of  indi- 
vidual independence.  Kor  must  they  forget  that  the 
corporation  is  entitled  to  the  same  measure  of  justice 
they  demand  for  themselves. 

During  the  war  of  the  rebellion  the  corporations 
were  invaluable  factors  in  maintaining  the  inviola- 
bility of  the  Union.  The  patriotic  sentiments  and 
movements  of  the  people  were  ably  supplemented  by 
the  patriotic  endeavors  of  the  corporations.  It  goes 
without  saying  that  the  unstinted  assistance  given 
by  the  financial  and  carrying  corporations  to  the 
Government  in  the  hour  of  its  trials  made  possible 
that  rehabilitation  of  the  Republic  which  has  enabled 
it  to  spread  its  beneficent  influence  throughout  the 
w^orld,  and  to  rapidly  advance  the  development  and 
prosperity  of  its  citizens. 

Volumes  could  be  Avritten  on  the  greatness  and 
variety  of  the  service  performed  on  behalf  of  the 
Government  by  the  railroad  companies  and  by  the 
railroad  branch  of  the  army  transportation,  and  of 
the  ceaseless  work  of  such  able  and  patriotic  railroad 


92  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

officials  as  Thomas  A.  Scott,  J.  Donald  Cameron, 
Samuel  M.  Felton,  J.  ^.  DuBariT^  J.  H.  Devereaux 
and  others,  but  the  scope  of  this  work  will  not  permit 
of  m3^  trenching  on  the  grounds  that  should  be  pos- 
sessed by  some  able  and  well-equipped  historical 
writer.  My  object  in  touching  upon  the  subject  at 
all  is  to  attract  attention  to  it,  and  to  make  record 
of  a  long  since  forgotten  act  of  the  great  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  Company  that  never  received  the 
credit  to  which  it  was  entitled.  In  July,  1862,  when 
the  disaster  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  made  urgent 
the  demand  for  more  men  and  monev,  the  Board  of 
Directors  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company,  at 
their  meeting  held  July  23,  1862,  passed  the  fdllow- 
ing  preambles  and  resolution  : 

Whereas,  It  is  officially  declared  by  the  Execu- 
tive of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  that  a  public 
emergency  demands  the  prompt  co-operation  and 
financial  aid  of  the  people  of  the  State  to  enable  the 
Government  to  ensure  just  and  efficient  security  to 
the  citizens  of  this  Commonwealth  ao-ainst  the  va- 
rious  contingencies  incident  to  the  prevailing  civil 
war;  and 

Whereas,  The  interests  of  this  Company,  and  the 
protection  of  its  property  as  well  as  that  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Pennsylvania,  are  directly  involved  in  the 
perfect  maintenance  of  such  public  security  ;  there- 
fore be  it 


The  Bailroad  in    War  Times.  93 

Resolved.,  That  the  President  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Railroad  Company  be  and  he  is  hereby  authorized  to 
advance  from  time  to  time,  as  the  same  ma^^  be 
needed,  to  the  Executive  of  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, or  such  agents  as  may  be  organized  by  him 
for  the  pur[)Ose  of  disbursing  the  Bounty  Fund,  con- 
tributed by  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  the  sum  of 
fifty  thousand  dollars,  to  be  applied  to  the  payment 
of  bounty  to  soldiers,  enlisting  in  the  service  of  the 
Government. 

Governor  Curtin  not  having  any  authority,  as 
Governor,  to  accept  and  disburse  this  money,  under 
date  of  October  4,  1862,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Board 
stating  that  he  must  decline  receiving  the  donations 
as  Governor,  as  the  money  could  not  be  disbursed 
through  any  official  channel  and  no  legal  restraint 
could  be  thrown  over  the  faithful  appropriation  of 
it,  and  suggesting  that  the  resolution  be  changed  so 
as  to  appropriate  the  money  to  the  use  of  Volunteers, 
in  Pennsylvania,  then  in  the  service,  in  such  manner 
as  would  promote  their  efficiency  and  comfort,  and 
offiBred  a  hearty  co-operation  in  whatever  was  pro- 
posed in  that  respect. 

In  reply  to  this  communication  it  was  recom- 
mended by  the  Board  that  the  donation  be  used  as 
part  of  a  fund  for  the  establishment  of  a  Soldier's 
Home  at  or  near  Ilarrisburg,  or  as  an  annuity  for 


94  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

the  same  to  provide  for  the  comfort  of  disabled  vol- 
miteers  from  our  Commonwealth. 

Governor  Curtin,  accei:)tiiig  this  recommendation, 
sent  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature  early  in 
1863,  urgently  advising  the  acceptance  of  the  gift 
and  its  appropriation  in  the  direction  indicated,  but 
the  Leo'islature  took  no  action,  and  the  sfift  remained 
unaccepted,  although  not  lost  sight  of  by  the  Gover- 
nor.    Between  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature  of 
1863  and  the  convening  of  that  of  1864  he  had  sev- 
eral conferences  with  the  oificers  of  the  company, 
and  by  their  advice  and  consent  he  again,  in  1864, 
sent  a  message  to  the  Legislature  urging  the  accept- 
ance of  the  money  and  its  application  to  the  foster- 
ing, as  the  children  of  the  Commonwealth,  the  poor 
orphans  of  Pennsylvania  soldiers  who  had  already 
given  up,  or  might  thereafter  give  up,  their  lives  for 
the  country  in  the  then  present  crisis.     The  Legisla- 
ture acted  sluggishly  and  stintingly,  and  without 
adding  one  cent  of  additional  money  for  the  object, 
passed  after  much  debate  the  following  act: 

"  Section  1.  Be  it  enacted,  etc..  That  the  Governor 
of  the  Commonwealth  be  and  is  hereby  authorized 
to  accept  the  sum  of  $50,000  donated  by  the  Penn- 
sylvania Railroad  Company,  for  the  education  and 
maintenance  of  destitute  orphan  children  of  deceased 


The  Railroad  in    War  Times.  95 

soldiers  and  sailors,  and  appropriate  the  same  in  such 
manner  as  he  may  deem  best  calculated  to  accom- 
plish the  object  designed  by  said  donation ;  the  ac- 
counts of  said  disbursements  to  be  settled  in  the 
usual  manner  by  the  Auditor  General  and  the  Gov- 
ernor, and  make  report  of  the  same  to  the  next  Leg- 
islature." 

Approving  the  act  as  soon  as  it  reached  him.  Gov- 
ernor Curtin  at  once  appointed  the  Hon.  Thomas 
H.  Burrowes  Superintendent  of  Soldiers'  Orphans' 
Schools,  and  thus  by  the  broad  generosity  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company  launched  that  great 
charity  which  is  one  of  the  brightest  glories  of  the 
Quaker  Commonwealth.  As  these  facts  prove  that 
Republics  are  not  ungrateful,  they  also  give  evi- 
dence that  corporations  are  possessed  of  souls. 


Till. 


U.  S.  MILITARY  TELEGRAPH  CORPS. 


To  the  memory  of  my  comrades  who  fell  during  the  civil 
war,  sacrifices  to  patriotic  duty,  well  performed,  this  par)er  is 
loviijgly  dedicated  by  the  author. 


THE  golden  dream  of  empire,  which  had  haunted 
the  waking  and  sleeping  moments  of  the 
cultivated  aristocratic  ruling  class  of  the  Gulf 
States,  and  of  the  land  barons  of  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia,  aided  and  abetted  by  impracticable  legisla- 
tion and  fanatical  expressions  of  latitudinarian 
doctrines  of  government  by  agitators  throughout  the 
^N'orthern  States,  had  at  last  brought  about  that  most 
deplorable  of  all  conflicts — civil  war.  It  was  a 
serious  hour  for  the  principles  of  self-government  by 
the  people  as  represented  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
great  American  Republic. 

Sumter  had  been  fired  upon,  and  the  emblem  of 
our  nationality  was  lowered  at  the  demand  of  revolt- 
ing citizens. 

In  this  crisis,  President  Lincoln  called  upon  the 

(%) 


U.  S.  Milliary  Telegraph  Corps.  97 

various  States  for  75,000  men  to  restore  the  author- 
ity of  the  N^ational  Government, 

In  response  to  that  call,  the  men,  who  in  the  pre- 
ceding election  had  voted  in  the  ]N^orth  for  Lincoln, 
for  Brecken ridge,  for  Douglas  and  for  Bell,  with  a 
fair  numher  of  Union-loving  men  from  the  South, 
rushed  forward,  as  with  a  common  impulse,  shoulder 
to  shoulder,  with  a  patriotic  impetus  inborn  of  love 
for  and  devotion  to  country. 

I  can  yet  hear  the  swish  of  the  v/aves  of  patriotism 
as  they  broke  upon  the  shores  of  rebellion. 

ITo  person  rushed  with  more  patriotic  fervor  to 
the  field  of  Mars  than  did  the  boys  of  the  telegraph. 
It  was  my  fortune  to  be  made  manager  of  the  mili- 
itary  telegraph  office  in  the  War  Department  early 
in  the  struggle,  and  it  is,  therefore,  with  confidence  I 
speak  of  the  organization  and  efficiency  of  the  Mili- 
tary Telegraph  Corps  of  the  United  States  Army. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1861,  on  the  order  of  Simon 
Cameron,  then  Secretary  of  War,  David  Strouse, 
Homer  Bates,  Samuel  Brown  and  Richard  O'Brien, 
four  of  the  best  and  most  reliable  operators  on  the 
Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company's  telegraph  line, 
arrived  in  Washington  and  formed,  under  Thomas 
A.  Scott,  of  Philadelphia,  the  germ  out  of  which 
grew  the  best  disciplined,  the  most  wonderfully  ac- 


98  Notes  on  the  Civil   War, 

curate,  reliable  and  intelligent  army  telegraph  corps 
ever  known  to  the  world.  The  quartette  was  rapidly 
followed  by  others,  until,  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  army,  over  twelve  hundred  young 
men  enrolled  themselves  in  the  corps,  and  rendered 
such  services  as  had  never  before  been  performed  for 
any  Government.  Their  ages  ranged  from  sixteen 
to  twenty-two  years — boys  in  years,  boys  in  stature, 
but  giants  in  loyalty,  and  giants  in  the  amount  of 
work  they  performed  for  their  country. 

A  better-natured,  more  intelligent-looking  or 
harder-working  band  of  young  men  did  not  exist 
in  the  army.  They  were  ready  and  willing  to  go 
anywhere  at  a  moment's  notice,  and,  if  necessary,  to 
work  day  and  night  without  rest  uncomplainingly. 
Oft  times  they  were  sent  where  the  sky  w^as  the 
only  protecting  roof  over  their  heads,  a  tree  stump 
their  only  office,  and  the  ground  their  downy  couch. 
Provisioned  with  a  handful  of  hard  bread,  a  canteen 
of  water,  pipe,  tobacco-pouch  and  matches,  they 
w^ould  open  and  work  an  office  at  the  picket  line  in 
order  to  keep  the  commanding  general  in  in- 
stantaneous communication  with  his  most  advanced 
forces,  or  to  herald  the  first  approach  of  the  enemy. 
When  retreat  became  necessary  it  was  their  place  to 
remain  behind  and  to  announce  that  the  rear  guard 


U.  S.  3Itlitary   Telegraph  Corps.  99 

had  passed  the  danger  line  between  it  and  the  pur- 
suino'  foe. 

CD 

All  the  movements  of  the  army,  all  the  confi- 
dence of  the  commanders  were  entrusted  to  these 
boys,  and  yet  not  one  was  ever  known  to  betray  that 
knowledge  and  confidence  in  the  most  remote  de- 
gree. 

The  military  telegraph  eventually  assumed,  under 
General  Eckert,  colossal  proportions,  its  ramifica- 
tions extending  to  every  portion  of  the  Union  where 
a  Union  soldier  could  be  found.  Its  delicate,  yet 
potent,  power  was  felt  and  appreciated  by  every  de- 
partment of  the  Government.  The  system,  as  per- 
fected, was  elaborate  and  complete  in  all  its  details. 
The  boys  constructed  and  operated  during  the  war, 
within  the  lines  of  the  army,  15,389  miles  of  tele- 
graph, and  transmitted  over  6,000,000  military  tele- 
grams. Of  the  latter  a  large  proportion  were  in  the 
secret  cipher  of  the  Government,  the  keys  of  which 
were  solely  in  the  possession  of  the  operators. 

The  boys  didn't  plan  campaigns  or  fight  battles, 
but  amidst  the  fiercest  roar  of  conflict  they  were  to 
be  found  coolly  advising  the  commanding  general  of 
the  battle's  progress. 

When  the  army,  in  all  its  grand  divisions,  was  in 
motion  they  were  to  be  found  in  the  advance,  in  the 


100  Notes  OR  the  Civil   War. 

rear,  on  right,  left  and  center — wherever  duty  was 
to  be  performed ;  and  when  the  army  was  in  repose 
a  thousand  general  officers  had  them  at  their  elbovv^s. 

The  corps  was  the  very  nerves  of  the  army  during 
the  war,  and  was  so  considered  by  all  those  that 
came  in  contact  with  it,  and  yet  it  was  not,  and  has 
not  been,  recognized  as  an  integral  part  of  that 
army. 

Its  services  were  great ;  its  sacrifices  many.  Be- 
ginning at  Yorktown,  where  poor  Lathrop  was  mur- 
dered by  one  of  Magruder's  buried  torpedoes,  from 
East  to  West  and  Xorth  to  South,  as  our  grand 
armies  marched  and  fought,  until  Rebellion's  knell 
was  sounded  at  Appomattox,  almost  everj^  field, 
almost  every  march  numbered  one  of  the  telegraph 
bovs  amono;  the  fallen. 

A  hundred  nameless  graves  throughout  the  battle- 
fields of  the  Union  attest  their  devotion  unto  death 
to  the  sublime  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged, 
and  yet  the  Government  they  loved  and  labored  for 
never  as  much  as  thanked  them  for  their  services. 
It  is  a  sad  reflection  Avhen  old  memories  come  back, 
that  of  the  twelve  hundred  boys  composing  that 
corps  there  are  not  three  hundred  left.  Where  are 
the  remainder?  Those  that  did  not  lay  down  their 
lives  in  action  succumbed  shortly  after  the  war  from 


U.  S.  Military  Telegraph  Corps.  101 

wounds,  and  from  the  effects  of  exposures  and  im- 
prisonments. 

Here  let  me  say  of  the  dead :  !N"ot  a  funeral  note 
was  sounded  as  they  passed  into  the  earth  ;  not  a 
flower  is  cast  upon  their  mounds  as  Memorial  Day 
comes  around. 

And  of  the  survivors :  Kot  a  door  swings  upon 
its  hinges  to  welcome  them  into  any  of  the  various 
organizations  of  the  loyal  men  who  fought  the  battles 
of  the  Union. 

A  few  of  the  officers  were  commissioned,  and, 
in  consequence,  are  borne  upon  the  rolls  of  honor, 
but  the  rank  and  file,  who  performed  the  principal 
duties,  although  obliged  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance 
and  of  secrecy,  not  being  technically  sworn  into  the 
service,  were  disbanded  without  a  word  of  thanks  or 
a  scrap  of  paper  showing  that  they  had  honorably 
discharged  their  trying  duties. 

Secretary  of  War  Stanton  said,  in  one  of  his  re- 
ports to  Congress:  "The  military  telegraph  has  been 
of  inestimable  value  to  the  service,  and  no  corps  has 
surpassed  it." 

Since  the  war  Congress  has  been  appealed  to 
to  right  the  wrongs  and  enroll  the  corps,  but,  not- 
withstanding Grant,  McClellan,  Hancock,  Sherman, 
Sheridan,  Burnsides,  Warren,   Rosecranz,  Sanborn, 


102  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

Porter,  Smith  and  others  have  urged  that  the  ser- 
vices of  the  corps  were  invaluable,  and  its  members 
shamefull}^  treated ;  and  General  Logan,  J.  Don- 
ald Cameron  and  General  Hawley  exerted  their 
utmost  endeavors,  from  their  seats  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  to  have  justice  done,  the  wrong  re- 
mains unrio^hted. 

'Twas  an  hour  fraus-ht  with  s^loom,  when  the 
maddened  bullet,  speeding  from  the  murderer's 
weapon,  laid  low  the  head  of  that  mighty  chieftain, 
wdio  was  the  one,  had  life  been  spared  him,  that 
would  have  seen  justice  done  the  corps.  But  the 
corps,  like  humanity  in  general,  suifered  when 
Abraham  Lincoln  died. 

It  was  through  my  connection  with  the  corps  that 
I  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  it  is 
for  that  reason  I  have  grouped  a  glimpse  of  him 
with  a  glimpse  of  it. 


IX. 

ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

THE  m'nltitude  of  sketches  that  have  been  writ- 
ten on  the  life,  character  and  public  services 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  make  me  hesitate  in  speaking 
of  the  impressions  of  him  that  were  left  on  my  mind 
by  daily  contact  with  him  during  the  first  year  of 
his  administration  of  the  Presidency.  This  hesita- 
tion is  rather  increased  than  diminished  when  I  con- 
sider that  his  fulsome  eulogists,  under  the  garb  of 
conlidential  friends,  have  so  surrounded  his  memory 
with  a  halo  of  deity  that  to  speak  of  him  as  I  saw 
him  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  misrepresentation. 
The  tragedy  of  his  death,  and  the  tight  hold  he  had 
upon  the  popular  heart  at  that  time  created  the  op- 
portunity for  opening  the  llood-gates  of  flattery, 
which,  to  a  great  extent,  have  obscured  the  true 
character  of  the  man. 

I  first  saw  him  in  Harrisburg,  on  an  evening  in 
February,  1861,  as  he  emerged  from  the  side  door  of 
the  Jones  House,  in  the  judicious  act  of  flanking  auy 
hostile  movement  that  might  be  developed  by  the 

(103) 


104  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

threatening  attitude  of  Baltimore  as  he  proceeded  to 
Washino-ton  and  his  fate.  At  that  time,  althouo^h 
conceding  to  him  honesty  of  intention,  I  did  not  ac- 
cept him  as  an  oracle.  My  political  education  had 
been  in  the  strict  construction  school,  and  I  had  only 
then  returned  from  South  Carolina  to  place  myself 
on  the  side  of  the  Union.  Knowino;  the  earnestness 
and  intensity  of  the  feeling  in  the  South  I  looked 
upon  his  speeches  from  the  text  of  ''nobody  hurt" 
as  belittling  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  Towards 
the  close  of  April,  1861,  however,  I  was  called  to 
"Washington  as  military  telegrapher  in  the  Depart- 
partment  of  War,  and  in  that  capacity  came  in  con- 
tact with  Mr.  Lincoln  many  times  daily,  and  often 
late  at  nights.  He  was  always  on  terms  of  easy 
familiarity  with  the  operators,  and  it  was  through 
that  familiarity  that  my  acquaintance  with  him 
was  formed. 

I  soon  saw  a  man  before  me  with  a  kind  heart  and 
charitable  disposition,  who  had  a  duty  to  perform 
that  he  intended  performing  with  a  conscientious 
exactitude.  In  the  many  telegrams  he  indited  or 
dictated,  and  in  the  conversations  he  had  with  Sec- 
retary of  State  Seward,  who  almost  invariably  ac- 
companied him  to  the  war  telegraph  office,  he  dis- 
played a  wonderful   knowleds^e  of  the  country,  its 


Abraham  Lincoln.  105 

resources  and  requirements,  as  well  as  an  intuition 
of  the  needs  and  wants  of  the  people. 

He  was  entirely  unsellish,  and  in  his  exalted  posi- 
tion did  not  seen  to  think  of  himself  for  himself. 
The  great  cause  of  perpetuating  the  Government  en- 
trusted to  his  care  seemed  to  absorb  his  whole  time 
and  thouo^ht.  When  he  acted  it  was  from  a  sense  of 
duty,  and  whatever  the  effect  such  action  might 
have  upon  himself  I  don't  think  influenced  him  pro 
or  con. 

There  was  nothing  ornamental  in  or  about  him, 
and  to  depict  him  in  the  ornamental  light  is  to  de- 
tract from  his  true  greatness,  vvhich  consisted  of  his 
being  a  true  representative  of  a  great  people  and  a 
great  principle  of  government. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  shining^  characteristic  was  his  ex- 
treme  simplicit}^  He  thoroughly  recognized  the 
true  import  of  his  position  to  be  the  serving  of  the 
people,  and  he  tried  to  so  conduct  the  administration 
of  affairs  that  whoever  looked  upon  him  in  the  pres- 
idential chair  should  see  reflected  the  power,  the 
intelligence,  the  charity,  the  greatness  of  a  great  na- 
tion. His  acts  were  all  studied  in  the  school  of  duty, 
and  were,  to  the  extent  of  his  information,  the  ex- 
pressions of  the  national  will.  This  was  nowhere 
more  notable  than  in  his  issuance  of  the  Emancipa- 


106  Notes  on  the  CivU   War, 

tion  Proclamation.  To  make  him  a  god  of  freedom 
on  account  of  his  promulgating  that  paper  which 
released  the  country  from  the  curse  of  slavery  is  to 
give  him  attrihutes  he  never  claimed,  and  to  imply 
motives  he  would  have  spurned. 

The  Emancipitation  Proclamation  was  not  issued 
solely  in  the  cause  of  fieedom,  or  solely  to  liberate 
the  slaves,  for  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  political  party 
which  had  elevated  him  to  the  presidential  office 
were  committed  to  the  strange  doctiine  that  al- 
though slavery  was  an  evil  not  to  be  extended  yet  it 
was  to  be  tolerated  and  protected  because  of  its  exist- 
ence. He  announced  most  earnestly  in  his  inaugural 
address  that  he  had  no  purpose  to  interfere,  directly 
or  indirectly,  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
States  where  it  existed.  That  he  did  not  depart 
from  that  policy  until  he  w^as  obliged  to  do  so  by  the 
stern  necessities  of  war  and  the  readiness  of  the 
people  for  such  departure,  is  a  matter  of  historical 
fact.  It  is  true  he  entertained  emancipation 
view^s,  but  they  were  based  upon  emancipation  by 
compensation,  attended  by  colanization  that  was 
to  be  reached  through  independent  State  action. 
When  General  John  Cochrane,  of  I^ew  York, 
in  the  fall  of  1861,  suggested  and  advocated 
the  arming  of  the  slaves,  and  Simon  Cameron  pressed 


Abraham  Lincoln.  107 

for  the  same  object  in  Cabinet  councils,  both  know- 
ing that  it  was  a  practical  emancipation  measure, 
and  that  the  slave,  by  its  adoption,  would  become 
his  own  emancipator,  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  second 
them  in  their  efforts  because  he  did  not  think  it  the 
will  of  the  people. 

He  declared  his  purpose  to  be  the  execution  of  the 
laws  and  the  maintaining  the  union  of  the  States 
inviolate.  But  as  the  v/ar  of  the  rebellion  drew  on 
apace,  larger  and  larger  in  its  proportions,  and  fiercer 
and  fiercer  in  its  animosities,  with  variable  results 
to  the  contending  parties,  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  became  an  absolute  military  necessity  and 
with  that  came  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  Its 
oritrin  and  standino-  rests  nowhere  else.  The  slaves 
were  declared  free,  not  because  slavery  was  wrong, 
but  for  the  same  reason  that  the  enemy's  horses, 
cattle,  houses,  wagons  and  lands  were  taken  from 
him — to  cripple  him  in  his  resources. 

It  was  duty  to  the  country,  not  justice  to  the' 
slave,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  claimed  no  other  credit. 

He  was  not  a  god,  and  it  is  unseemly  sacrilege  to 
paint  him  in  colors  wherein  he  might  be  mistaken 
for  such.  He  was  a  man  with  all  the  attributes  that 
enter  into  manhood.  He  had  all  the  tastes,  ambi- 
tions, affections,  longings  and  passions  of  other  men, 


108  Notes  on  the  Civil  War. 

but  lie  had  them  under  complete  control,  so  that 
they  might  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  common  hu- 
manitj',  and  not  alone  for  self-gratification. 

There  was  nothing  false  about  him,  for  while  he 
mis^ht  curtain  his  thoughts  and  intentions  as  a  matter 
of  temporary  policy  it  was  not  for  the  purpose  of 
deception,  but  simply  to  guard  against  the  plucking 
of  unripe  fruit. 

It  was  not  into  ancestors'  graves  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  dug  for  the  clothes  that  were  to  clothe  him 
in  the  garb  of  manhood.  He  studied  the  laws  of  his 
Creator  to  find  the  material  from  which  to  shape 
them,  and  he  found  it. 

Despoiled  of  his  titles,  honor  and  power,  and  intro- 
duced solely  as  the  homely,  honest  man  he  was,  into 
that  American  society  that  seeks  the  tracery  of  a 
ducal  coronet  on  its  escutcheon,  and  that  obtains  its 
principal  sustenance  from  the  phosphorescent  light 
emanatinc^  from  the  bones  of  lono;  buried  ancestors, 
•he  would  have  been  thrust  out  as  an  unwelcome 
guest. 

AVhilst  he  was  kind  and  tolerant  to  those  of 
difierent  opinions  from  his,  and  freely  communicated 
with  all  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  yet  he 
impressed  me  with  being  a  man  who  had  but  one 
confidant,  and  that  confidant  himself. 


Abraham  Lincoln.  109 

Before  coming  to  a  conclusion,  I  will  narrate  some 
anecdotes  of  the  man  that  came  under  my  personal 
observation: 

In  the  fall  of  1861  fires  in  Washington  City  were 
of  frequent  occuri'ence,  without  any  organized  ade- 
quate means  for  rapidlj"  extinguishing  them  being  in 
existence  there.  This  condition  of  affairs  was  a 
source  of  so  much  anxiety  to  the  country  at  large  that 
no  sooner  was  a  Washington  fire  announced  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  principal  cities  than  the  mails 
would  teem  with  patriotic  offers  to  the  President, 
from  all  sections,  for  the  formation  of  fire  brigades, 
as  a  component  part  of  the  army,  for  the  protection 
of  the  Capital.  This  was  one  of  the  many  great 
anno^^ances  of  irrelevant  subjects  thrust  upon  the 
President  in  those  trying  times,  but  he  bore  it  all  as 
part  of  the  responsibilities  resting  upon  him  ;  yet  at 
last  he  was  compelled  to  rebuke  it  from  sheer  lack 
oi'  time  to  give  it  any  attention.  One  night  the 
Washington  Infirmar}^  burned  down,  and,  as  was 
customary  after  such  a  disaster,  the  next  day  brought 
the  President  the  usual  complement  of  offers  for  fire 
engines  and  firemen.  Philadelphia's  patriotism,  true 
to  its  traditions,  could  not  await  the  slow  progress 
of  the  mail,  but  sent  forward  a  committee  of  citizens 
to  urge  upon  the  President  the  acceptance  of  a  fully 


110  Notes  on  the  Civil   War. 

equipped  fire  brigade  for  Washington.  On  their 
arrival  at  the  White  House  they  were  duly  ushered 
into  the  Executive  Chamber  and  courteously  and 
blandly  received  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  Eloquently  did 
they  urge  the  cause  of  their  mission,  but  valuable 
time  v(7as  being  wasted,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  forced 
to  bring  the  conference  to  a  close,  which  he  did  by 
interrupting  one  of  the  committee  in  the  midst  of  a 
grand  and  to-be-clinching  oratorical  effort,  by  gravely 
saying,  and  as  if  he  had  just  awakened  to  the  true 
import  of  the  visit,  "  Ah  !  Yes,  gentlemen,  but  it  is 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that  I  am  at  the  head  of  the 
lire  department  of  A\^ashington.  I  am  simply  the 
President  of  the  United  States."  The  quiet  irony 
had  its  proper  effect,  and  the  committee  departed. 

The  personal  familiarity  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  shown  in 
his  intercourse  with  the  war  telegraphers  already 
spoken  of,  cannot  be  better  illustrated  than  by  relat- 
ing a  few  personal  encounters  with  him. 

September  27,  1861,  was  an  appointed  day  for 
humiliation,  fasting  and  prayer,  and  was  generally 
observed  throughout  the  I^orth.  We  operators  on 
the  military  telegraph  were  extra  vigilant  at  our 
posts ;  our  boy  George  was  engaged  in  preparing  a 
'Daniel's  battery"  when,  shortly  after  noon,  Mr. 
Lincoln  entered  the  War  Department  office.     Spy- 


Abraham  Lincoln.  Ill 

ing  George,  he  accosted  liim  with  "Well,  sonny, 
mixing  the  juices,  eh?"  Then  taking  a  seat  in  a 
large  arm-chair  and  adjusting  his  spectacles,  he  be- 
canie  aware  that  we  were  very  busy.  A  smile  broke 
over  his  face  as  he  saluted  us  with  "Gentlemen,  this 
is  fast  day,  and  I  am  pleased  to  observe  that  you  are 
working  as  fast  as  you  can;  the  proclamation  was 
mine,  and  that  is  my  interpretation  of  its  bearing 
upon  you."  Then,  changing  the  subject,  he  said, 
"]N^ow,  we  will  have  a  little  talk  with  Governor 
Morton,  at  Indianapolis.  I  want  to  give  him  a  les- 
son in  geography.  Bowling  Green  affair  I  set  him 
all  right  upon;  now  I  will  tell  him  something  about 
Muldraugh  Hill.  Morton  is  a  good  fellow,  but  at 
times  he  is  the  skeeredest  man  I  know  of." 

It  was  customary  for  Mr.  Lincoln  to  make  fre- 
quent calls  at  the  war  telegraph  office,  either  for  the 
purpose  of  direct  telegraphic  communication  or  to 
obtain  what  he  called  news.  One  day  in  September, 
1861,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Seward,  he  dropped  into 
the  office  with  a  pleasant  "Good  morning;  what 
news?"  Responding  to  the  salutation,  I  replied, 
"Good  news,  because  none."  Whereupon  he  re- 
joined, "Ah!  my  young  friend,  that  rule  don't  al- 
ways hold  good,  for  a  fisherman  don't  consider  it 
good  luck  when  he  can't  get  a  bite." 


112  Notes  on  the  Civil    War. 

On  another  daj,  also  accompanied  by  Secretary 
Seward,  he  came  into  the  office.  They  seemed  to 
have  escaped  from  some  one  who  had  been  boring 
them,  and  the  President  appeared  to  be  greatly  re- 
lieved as  he  sank  into  an  arm-chair,  saying,  "By 
Jings,  Governor,  vv-e  are  here.''  Mr.  Seward  turned 
to  him  and,  in  a  manner  of  semi- rep  roof,  said,  "  Mr. 
President,  where  did  you  learn  that  inelegant  ex- 
pression?" Without  replying,  Mr.  Lincoln  turned 
to  us  and  said,  "  Young  gentlemen,  excuse  me  for 
swearing  before  you  ;  by  jings  is  swearing,  for  my 
good  old  mother  taught  me  that  anything  that  had 
a  by  before  it  is  swearing.     I  won't  do  so  any  more." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  entirely  free  from  political  intoler- 
ance, although  at  times  he  was  compelled  to  permit 
its  exercise  bj'  others.  I  experienced  an  application 
of  his  broad  views.  A  few  days  prior  to  the  Penn- 
s^'lvania  election,  in  October,  1861,  I  went  to  the 
White  House  and  reported  to  the  President  that  I 
was  going  over  to  Pennsylvania  for  a  few  days,  and 
that  I  would  leave  the  war  telegraph  office  in  charge 
of  Mr.  Homer  Bates,  who  would  keep  him  as 
thoroughly  advised  of  passing  events  as  I  had  been 
doing.  With  his  peculiarly  humorous  smile  breaking 
over  his  face,  he  said,  "  All  right,  my  young  friend, 
but  before  you  o^o  tell  me  if  you  ain't  going  over  to 


Abraham  Lincoln.  113 

Pennsylvania  to  vote?"  I  replied  affirmatively, 
adding  that  it  would  be  my  first  vote  in  my  native 
State.  Upon  his  questioning  me  still  further,  I  told 
him  I  was  a  Democrat  in  politics,  and  expected  to 
vote  for  the  ticket  of  that  party.  Then,  with  the 
remark  "  Oh,  that's  all  right !  Only  be  sure  you  vote 
for  the  right  kind  of  Democrats,"  he  bade  me  good- 
bye. 

On  the  27th  of  August,  1861,  our  pickets  beyond 
Ball's  Cross  Roads  had  been  driven  in  and  an  attack 
upon  our  lines  was  anticipated,  the  enemy  being 
reported  as  advancing  in  force  along  the  railroad. 
General  McClellan  was  on  the  Virginia  side  giving 
his  personal  attention  to  his  command.  About  nine 
o'clock  in  the  evening  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  company  with 
two  other  gentlemen,  came  into  the  office  to  be 
"posted."  I  told  the  President  that  General  Mc- 
Clellan was  on  his  way  from  Arlington  to  Fort 
Cochrane,  that  our  picket's  still  held  Ball's  and 
Bailey's  Cross  Roads,  and  that  no  firing  had  been 
heard  since  sunset.  The  President  then  inquired  if 
any  firing  had  been  heard  before  sunset,  and  upon  my 
replying  there  had  been  none  reported,  laughingly 
said,  "  That  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  party  who,  in 
speaking  of  a  freak  of  nature,  described  it  as  a  child 
who  was  black  from  the  hips  down,  and,  upon  being 


114  Notes  on  the  Civil   War, 

asked  the  color  from  the  hips  up,  replied  blacky  as  a 
matter  of  course." 

I  could  go  on  indefinitely  relating  such  anecdotes, 
but  I  refrain,  and  will  conclude  by  saying : 

Abraham  Lincoln  will  live  in  the  correct  history 
of  his  times  as  one  who  was  unflinching  in  his  devo- 
tion to  duty,  unswerving  in  his  fidelity  to  a  great 
cause ;  one  whose  every  breath  poured  forth  the 
purest  sentiments  of  patriotism ;  and  as  one  who 
tried  to  live  a  manly  life  within  the  bounds  of  his 
comprehension  of  manhood's  aims  and  duties. 


This  Book  is  the  Properly  «^'»he.  Haw  YefKWyrs  i. 


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